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»^yr?*._ * 



AN APPEAL 



TO THE WHOLE COUNTKY, 



FOE AN UNION OF PARTIES, 



ON THE BASIS OF THE PRINCIPLES 



WASHINGTON, JEFFERSON, MADISON AND MONROE, 



IN FAVOR OF GEN. TAYLOR'S ADMINISTRATION, 




I V BY A REPUBLICAN OF THE SCHOOL OF 1800. 



" To the example of those illustrious patriots, I shall always refer with rcrerencc, and especially to hia 
example, who was by so many titles, the Father of his Country." — Gen. Taylor's Inaugural Address. 

" Quam multas nobis imagines, non solum ad intuondum, Tcrum etiam ad imitandum, fortissimorum riro- 
rum cxpressas, scriptorcg et Gra?ci et Latini reliquorunt, quas ego mihi semper in administranda republic* 
proponens, auimum ct mentem meam ipsa cogitatione hominum cxcellentium conformabam." * * * ♦ 

"Ego multos homines exccllenti animo ac rirtute fuisse, et sine doctrina, natura} ipaius habitu prope dl- 
Tino, per seipsos et moderatos, et graves exstitisse fateor; etiam illud adjungo, saepius ad laudem atque rir- 
tutem naturam sine doctrina, quam sine natura raluisse doctrinam."— Cic<ro. 



ofV.'A- 



c/>THE UNITED STATES: 

MDCCCL. 



t/^ * 









Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the Clerk's office of the District Court 
of the Eastern District of Virginia, in the year 1850. 



PREFACE AND DEDICATION. 



The following ^^ appeal" was conceived, and mostly writ- 
ten, before General Taylor's message was published. It was 
in no wise varied to suit that message, and yet the whole of it 
might have been hereto appended, as the greater part has been, 
as in full accordance with the writer's views. 

The author is neither an office-holder nor a politician. Be- 
lieving himself to be a sincere lover of his country, an ardent 
admirer of her institutions, and an exhilarated enjoyer of her 
liberties, he has ventured to put forth this humble effort to pro- 
mote the general good. * * * * c; -^^^ y^^^ fateor, me 
his studiis esse deditum : caeteros pudeat, si qui ita se literis 
abdiderunt, ut nihil possent ex his neque ad communem affere 
fructum, neque in adspectum lucemque profere." 

It must be productive of good, for the whole country to be 
now and then harmonized into one brotherhood. It marks a 
new stand-point in their destiny — a new sublimity attained in 
their social and political progress. This effort to aid in effect- 
ing such a consummation, is respectfully dedicated to all who 
will read it; and especially to those who may be disposed to 
practice what it endeavors to inculcate. 

The repetition on some points apparent in the following 
pages, is not unintentional. It may, in some cases, tend to im- 
press more deeply ; and generally, to aid the hasty and partial 
reader, without, it is hoped, wearying or hindering the patient 

and thorough. 

THE AUTHOR. 



AN APPEAL FOR AN UNIOJS" OF PARTIES. 



The existence and activity of political parties are deemed, by a great 
many, essential to the proper action of free governmenis; whilst, by 
others, they are deemed injurious to the best interests of a community; 
and, hence, ougii', to be deprecated by every true fiiend of his country. 
Oihers again, regarditig the loo frequent abuses of parties, and their great 
liability to excess, as pregnant witli evil, and yet seeing no way of pre- 
venting or escaping from them, are content to submit to them as neces- 
sary evils, whilst they deplore ihcir fatal consequences. 

There is much force in all these views, and good reason to sustain 
them; but it is not now necessary to determine which is nearest the 
truth. It may be talcen for granted, that in our couniry political parties 
are inevitable, and can only be destroyed, now and then, at long inter- 
vals, by a "consolidation of sentiment" as to public men and measures; 
or by the commanding virtue and wisdom of some Washington, whom 
a beneficent Providence o<-.casionally lends to humanity. 

Most, then, that remains for practical philosophy is to endeavor to base 
the divisions of parties upon principles, and not upon passions or pre- 
judices; to direct their vast, enersies by patriotism; to assuasre their ran- 
cor in opposition ; and to soften their asperities and sweeten their bitter- 
ness by all the refined amenities of social intercourse, without regard to 
party distinctions.* 

For these most desirable ends, what might we not expect from the 
lofty examples of eminent public men, and from a dignified and courte- 
ous lone on the pait of ihixl Jirsi (not third) order in the Slate — the 
public press! Of approaching, if not attaining, these desirable ends, no 
patriot heart should ever despair. 

It was the sentiment of President Jefferson, uttered at a lime when 
party spirit ran as high as it ever has, and I trust ever will, in this coun- 
try, "the moment which should convince me that a healing of the na- 
tion into one is impracticable, would be ihe last moment of my wishing 
to remain where I am." It was the influence of the same sentiment 
that caused him, in his eloquent inaugural address, to denounce "politi- 
cal intolerance as despotic as wicked;" and in his hopeful, sanguine 
temper to declare, "We are all Federalists: we are all Republicans." 

* In conclusion, I congratulate you, my fellow-citizens, upon the high state of pros- 
perity to which the goodness of Divine Providence has conducted our common couniiy. 
Let us invoke a continuance of the same protecting rare which has led us from small 
beginnings to the eminence we this day occupy, and let us seek to deserve tiiat coniinu- 
ance by prudence and moderation in our councils, by well directed attempts to assungo 
the bitterness which too r.ften marks unavoidable dilferences of opinion, by the promul- 
gation and practice of just and liberal principles, and by an enlarged patiiotism, which 
shall acknowledge no limits but those of our own wide-spiead Republic. 

Gen. Taylor's Inaugural Address. 



6 

And why, fellow-citizens, may not another Chief Magistrate, with even 
more nppropiiateness, take up these wonls, and make iheni ling through- 
out tills glorious Union — " We are all Whigs: we are all Democrats: we 
are all Republicans?" 

If Mr. Jefferson could, in liis day, with any propriety and sincerity, 
hope to "heal this whole nation iiuo one," how much more may we 
iiope for such a consummation! One fact will be sufficient to shew the 
viiulence of parly tlien ; and to teach, loo, a lesson of tolerance and 
charily to those of opposite political creeds. 

Whilst the struggle fjr the Presidency was going on before the House 
of Representatives between the friends of Curr and Jefferson, it is be- 
lieved tfiat the governors of both Pennsylvania and Virginia, who were 
firm and zealous adherents (o the Republican i)arty, were deierniined, in 
case Mr. Jefferson had not been elected, to march a sufficient force to 
Washington "to depose the usurpers," until the people could exercise 
their sovereign power by sending delegates to a convention for the pur- 
pose of making amendments to the Constitution suited to the crisis.* 
Leading men were not wanting to second and sanction this course; and 
should not a fact like this furnish some offset to similar desperate meas- 
ures, in some other parts of the country, which are constantly held up as 
among the "raw heads and bloody bones" of party? 

It is tiue, that no voter had intended Burr to be the President; but he 
was of the same party, high in its confidence, and deemed then worthy 
to be associated with Mr. Jeflerson. Though his elevation to the first 
office would have been contrary to the intention and expectation of the 
people, yet surely it would have borne as lightly upon the governors and 
people of Virginia and Pennsylvania, as the protracted embargo did upon 
the people of i\ew England", or the tariff upon those of South Carolina. 

Political parties should bear and forbear; for by their own virulence 
and intemperance in opposition, they sometimes drive one another to the 
very verge of anarchy. 

THE RISE OF PARTIES. 

At two periods of our history, political parties have been united, or the 
lines of demarcation between them almost entirely obliterated: — during 
the administration of Washington, and that of Mi". Monroe. 

Under the great, the good, the peerless Washington, the nation was 
one: Parties had not then been formed. When Washington ascended 
the Presidential chair, the great defects of the old Articles of Confedera- 
tion had been so deeply impressed upon the mind of the nation, that the 
tendency to their opposite was inevitable, save in minds equipoised like 
his own. These detocis hatl been thus deeply impressed by the manner 
in which their effects had been sorely experienced , and by the eloqirence 
and ability which had been exerted in every part of the country, especi- 
ally by the immortal authors of "The Federalist," to procure the adop- 
tion and ratification of the Federal Constitirtion. Two great wants of 
our country then were: {}) an imposing national front to foreign nations, 
and (2) a more compact and binding union between the Stales at home. 
We wanted strength and consolidation. In those days, to be ^ fedcral- 

* Tucker's Jefferson, II, p. 80. 



ist was to be the friend of tlie country, just started upon a new and 
higlier career of glory, under the new Constituiion. Then, the terms 
^'federahst" and "consohdaiionist," since used to express and perpetuate 
the oppiobium of party, were epithets of orthodoxy and patriotism, and 
embraced all who were in favor of ilie new Constitution; and as they 
were tlien apphed to llie true repubUcans, so no doubt have they been 
applied, in more recent days, as a term of reproach, to many who at 
heart were as true republicans as those of eighty-seven or ninety-eight. 

Such as have been stated having been the great wants of the country, 
it was natural and inevitable that the first administration of the govern- 
ment should seek to supply those wants. The international relations of 
the country demanded immediate attention, and to give our nation her 
due weight and respectability abroad, it was necessary to dignify and ele- 
vate the federal government. The great name of Washington- lent it 
as much weight as it was possible for it to receive fiom a man ; but he 
was only a part of the government, most cautious of stepping beyond the 
bounds assigned the Executive; and it was necessary for the whole gov- 
ernment to exercise a firm and lofty tone in all its diplomatic relations. 
This led to a spirit of centralization, more or less, but of such a charac- 
ter as then to excite no alarm. On the other hand, the government un- 
der the old Articles of Confederation had been confessedly too weak, 
and the States confessedly remiss in fulfilling their obligations to it. In 
construing and executing a Constituiion made and adopted by the Slates 
for the express purpose of coirecting these evils, it was no easy matter to 
determine how nuich strength, and no more, was intended to be added: 
The golden mean between its powcis and the still ungranted preroga- 
tives of the Slates, was not ascertainable by any invariable and certain 
standard. But as the very object of the new Constitution was to impart 
additional strength to the general govetnment, new strength was con- 
ceded to it by all, and exerted utdiesitatingly ; and perhaps Us tendency 
was to overslrengthen itself. Soon parlies began to be formed upon the 
question of how much slrengih it could thus legitimately exert.* Thi.-j 
new strength was invited in a variety of directiotis by the expanding 
prospects and unfolding resources of the magnificent country which we 
possessed. How should the war debt be managed and provided for, with 
the best regard to the rights and duties of govertiing and governed, and 
to the interests of freedom? How should the finances of the govern- 
ment be managed with the highest regard to the same principles and 
interests? How should the various and innumerable articles of domestic 
consumption be supplied? How far by importation, and how far by the 
encouragement of their production at home? 

On several of these questions, however, there was for years scarcely 
any serious division of sentiment. These matters of domestic policy 

• In his message Gen. Taylor saya: — " Our government is one of limited powers." 
• * * " Our government can only be preserved in its purity by the suppression and 
entire elimination of every claim or tendency of one co-ordinate branch to encroach- 
ment upon another. With tlie strict observance of this rule and the other injunctions 
of the Constitution — with a sedulous inculcation of that respect and love ^or the Union 
of the States, wliich our fathers cherished and enjoined upon their cliildren, and with 
the aid of that overruling Providence wliich has so long and so kindly rruardcd our lib- 
erties and institutions, we may reasonably expect to uansmit them with their innumera- 
ble blessings to the lemoteet posterity." 



8 

became mingled with our international concerns. Europe was the scene 
of an appalling political ferment. In the name of liberty, great revolu- 
tions were attempted and consummated, but attended by the most fright- 
ful Climes and enormities. Before these had uncovered their hideous 
heads, the earthquake throes of revolutionary France seemed to he de- 
signed and destined to cast off the immense load of tyranny which 
oppressed her; and many of the genuine friends of human freedom 
gave her their sympathy and approval. From her aid to us in our un- 
equal but successful struggle; from the great princij^les of right and 
justice for which she was supposed to be contending, as we had done, no 
nation aflbrded her more sympathy and counteuitnce than ours, — a syra- 
jiaihy and countenance unchanged in great degree by all her enormities 
superadded to her gross injustice to us as a nation. 

Those among us, who thought that the Federal authorities were dis- 
posed to assume and exercise more power than was gianled by the Cou- 
siiiution and than was altogether safe for the hest and permanent interest 
of tlie governed, claiming to be the friends of human freedom and the 
foes of oppression in any part of the world, sympathized so deeply with 
France as to give rise to "the French party;" and would have commit- 
ted our nation to a course of policy alike incompatible with the rights of 
other nations with whom we were at peace and with our duties and 
highest interests. Whilst opposing the administration for the develop- 
ments and foreshadowings of usurpation which they supposed they had 
discovered, they, upon the same principles, opposed its enforcement of 
the important duties of friendship and neutrality. 

Mr. Jefferson had always been of a hopeful and sanguine tempera- 
ment in regard to popular government, and no doubt his views had been 
strengthened by his intercourse whilst minister to France with her politi- 
cal philosophers; in which, no doubt, he both imparted to and imbibed 
from them ideas of the largest popular liberty. He very early became 
the leader of the French patty in the United States. Unfortunately, 
loo, he concurred with the French philosophers almost as nearly in re- 
gard to religion as he did in regard to politics, and received as true, on 
both of these vital subjects, many of the speculations oT Volney and 
Tiiomas Paine. 

VVashixgtoiv differed from Jefferson both in his religious and politi- 
cal opinions; though surely no mortal ever lived who was more emphat- 
ically the friend of liberty, or less disposed to wield usurped powers, thaa 
this incomparable patriot. Firm as the hills of Augusta, to which he 
once looked as the last safe retreat in defending the liberties of his coun- 
try, he resisted the influences of both French and British parlies; and, 
true to impartial justice, steered the ship of State to the end of his ap- 
pointed course. 

I have already anticipated somewhat; though what I iiave alluded to 
began plainly to exhibit itself even under Washington. Still, at the 
end of his second presidential term, he could very probably have been 
re-elected with neatly the pame unanimity that he had been before. 
Roth of the parties which were forming towards the close of his admin- 
istration, claimed his sanction to their principles; but it is most correct to 
sny, that he belonged to neither. IMr. Jefferson denies him to the fede- 
ralists, and declares that the only point on which he and Washington 
diffued was, that he "had more confidence in the natural integrity and 



9 

cliscrelion of ilie people, and in the safety and extent to which they might 
tmsl ihemselves with a contiol over iheir goveirunent." * 

In his inaugural address, loo, after lie had passed ihiough tlie fiery 
poUiical contests from Mr. Adams' accession to his own triumph, in 
1800, he renounces all "pretensions to that high confidence reposed in 
our first and greatest revolutionary character, whose preeuiineni services 
had entitled him to tlie first place in his country's lovc^ and destined for 
him tlie fiiirest page in the volume of faithful history." 

Under VVAsrnxGTON, then, parties had scarcely been formed; antt so 
vast and commanding was his influence, that it very probably relariled, 
if it did not prevent, their formation. 

At the same time, that very personal influence, which few, if any 
others, can ever be expected to exert, might appear to deprive us of any 
good reason to hope for such an unanimity of public setiiiment as again 
to lead to a consolidation of political parlies. Moreover, it may be more 
difficult to heal than to prevent; to re-unite than to keep from dissolii- 
lion. 

Hence, to deduce from the past any encouragement to hope for the re- 
union of parties, v/e must seek it in some other period of our history. 
We shall find it during the administration of Mr. Monroe. Then, there 
was but one party: Federalists and Republicans were one; and North 
and South were one: "Liberty and union" were then truly "one and 
indivisible." This union or consolidalion of parties look place after 
there had been the iniensest political heals and oppositions; after tfie 
wants and interests of the country had had fair and full lime lo become 
known; after twenty-eight years' experience of the operation of the new 
constitution, under nearly every shade of political opinion ; after laige 
accessions of territory had been niade; after every important question 
(even including free-soilism,t) relating lo the proper measures of govern- 
ment had arisen, been discussed and most of them put lo the test of ex- 
periment; and after we had passed with honor and success through a 
war with England: Afler all these things, parlies became consolidated 
under a man who had proved his pairioiism and ability in the field. — 
What has been, may be again. Parties, fierce and ardent, had sprung 
up under the elder Adams: afler four presidential terms they were uniiecl. 
The present political parties, no more fiery nor more opposed, sprang up 
in the first term of General Jackson ; four presidential terms have since 
elapsed, and why may ihey not be united under a chief pledged to fol- 
low in the footsteps of Washington, JefTerson, Madison and Monroe? 
Surely, in the days of Monroe the country was not without patriotism, 
wisdom and ability; and then, her public men marked out a line of pol- 
icy which received the sanction of the whole people. Experience and 
the progress of the age may have pointed ottt some changes and modifi- 
calions, so plainly judicious as to be approved unanimously. Wii/t such 
modifications and c I tansies, let the policy which once united us under a 
Monroe, be now recommended, enforced and carried out by Gen. Taylor 

♦Letter to Mr. Mellish, classifying parties, «&c.— Tucker II, 329. 
f During the great excitement of the Missouri question, I believe there is not one 
word on the subject in any of Mr. Monroe's State papers, indicating his wishes or opin- 
ions. Now, there are not wanting those who are endeavoring to force General Taylor 
to a premature committal on a similar question, — some, too, who were then living and 
approved, yea applauded, the course of Mr. Monroe. 
2 



10 

and his cabinet; and what but a factions disregard of the wise and pru- 
dent lessons of histoiy, a predeienninntion to keep festering the wounds 
intJicled by party iniemperances, could prevent the people from again 
embracing wliat their fathers and themselves have so lecently approved? 
Unless, then, we can suppose that, in the brief space of a cjuarier of a 
ceniury, such advances have been made in the science of government, — 
the noble science of promoting national happiness and greatness, — as to 
render useless the experience of the past, the measures and principles of 
Mr. Monroe's administration may be applied as tests to determine what 
might and should again produce a re-union between the great parlies into 
which the country is and has for some years been divided. Nor should 
the legitimate influence of such advances as have actually been made be 
excluded; and hence allowance should be made for such changes and 
modifications as would be admitted with even a considerable degree of 
unanimity. Something must always be yielded for the sake of compro- 
mise, conciliation and harmony. 

This enquiry into the measures and principles of Mr. Monroe's admin- 
istration, will necessarily involve a variety of collateral topics; and the 
application of the last proposed will be confirmed and enforced by such 
views and considerations as properly gather themselves around the subject. 

THE CONSISTENCY OF PARTIES. 

There are many persons who claim for the party to which they belong 
the honor and credit of having always been consistent, and of being the 
regular and legitimate successors of those who have kept the true politi- 
cal faith that has been approved by the nation. This idea they strive to 
impress upon the popular mind, by every means in their power, and too 
frequently by an insincere and disingenuous use of epithets known to be 
unpopular, and by an appeal to prejudice and passion. They forget, or 
entirely disregard the incontestable fact, thai parties change no less than 
individuals; and, indeed, must change with the changes of those indi- 
viduals whom they recognise as theii leaders and the expounders of their 
principles. And, again, both leaders and followers, governors and gov- 
erned, may often change position without any dereliction from the prin- 
ciples which they profess. The variation may be only in the application 
of the general principle, or principles, which they do really and cordially 
espouse in common with others. Tlierc are delusions and illusions in 
the political world, as well as in the physical. When borne swiftly upon 
land or water, surrounding objects seem to us to be moving, whilst we 
appear to be stationary. Thus, if either party change, it charges incon- 
sisteticy upon the other parly. So also theie may be great political 
changes and revolutions, (as well as natural,) of which the actors and 
participants in them are totally unconscious. Our earth is moving with 
immense rapidity in two directions, — whirling on its axis and flying in 
its orbit round the sun: Yet, who of its inhabitants is conscious of the 
fact, — a fact wliich it has been one of the trimnphs of science (o demon- 
strate. Still, to this day, one parly or the other, in its pertinacious efforts 
to prove itself consistent, — the one, true people's party, — shows itself to 
be as unreasonable as those opponents of Gallileo and Copernicus, who, 
guided only by what was apparent to them, denied that the earth revolved 
on its axis, in such cases, too, cither party has diffeied from the perse- 



11 

cutors of true science only in the mode and degree in which they have 
enforced their respective opinions. Their spirit has, too frequetiily, been 
the same. 

Again, a parly in power will difler materially from one seeking power. 
When out of power, it knows little or nothing of the numerous en»er- 
gencies which may arise, for which there may be no approved precedent; 
ihey cannot then, or rather will not then, fairly appreciate the dilliculties 
of administering public allairs. Opposition is easy, — and hence so often 
reckless; but good government is no light, or trilling concern. On the 
other hand, the opposition are more apt to have just views of the limita- 
tions to power; since they are free from the teinptations which the exer- 
cise of power produces, and from that desire which men in power too 
generally feel to "magnify their office" and authority. Shakspeare was 
not mistaken as to the "fantastic tricks" to which even a "little brief 
authority " leads those who aie "dressed " in it: nor can the best forms 
of government and the wisest of written constitutions effectually leslrain 
them. For this natural tendency of the exercise of power, every party 
in opposition should, by its own hope and expectation of one day wield- 
ing the power itself, make every allowance coinpaiible with that unceas- 
ing vigilance which is the "price of liberty;" and should confine itself 
to candid and ingenuous opposition. 

Many instances, both in our own history and that of England, illus- 
trate the foregoing remaiks. Whilst the Prince of Wales was the nu- 
cleus of that formidable opposition to the ministry of his father, George 
III, which included Burke, Fox and Sheridan, they held moderate and 
conservative views, and just ideas of the loyal prerogative. But when 
the king was visited with insanity, and, in view of the Piince being in- 
vested with the authority of Regent, it was proposed to impose restric- 
tions upon him, his adherents suddenly became the rankest tories in the 
realm. 

The term federalist was once one of honor and influence. The fede- 
ralists consummated the union of these Slates; that union proved happy 
and piosperous, and its authors were loved and reverenced. That union 
was imperatively demanded for our respect and dignity in the estima^ti'on 
of foreign nations, and for our security and advancement at home. The 
federalists magnified the federal government, as was believed, beyond its 
legitimate bounds, till, in violation of the compact which created it, it 
encroached so dangeiously upon the reserved rights of the Slates, that the 
federalists were overthrow'n and branded with popular odium from that 
day to the present; and the name, notwithstanding its origin and primi- 
tive associations, is now used as one of opprobrium. 

Those who overthrew the Federalists, took the name of Republi- 
cans — a term really indicative of the true character of our government. 
Yet, as it is a confederated republic, the term Federal Republican, would 
perhaps, best import the nature of our Constitution, and contain a per- 
petual memento of the sovereignties which united in forming it. How- 
ever, it is very much to be doubted whether the assumption of such an 
appellation by any party, woidd not be made the occasion of appealing 
(oall those old prejudices which have become attached to the term fede- 
ral ; and that, too,"though strange to say, chiefly by those who claim to 
be the peculiar friends and vindicators of the sovereignty of the Slates! 
For they, regarding the term ^'federaV^ only in reference to enlarging 



12 

ihe powers of the general government, treat it with constant scorn and 
reproach. 

But now, the once valued name of Republican has been laid aside by 
those who claim to be the successors of those who rendered it famous 
and victorious, for lliat of Democrat, which has no kind of reference to 
the confederulcd character of our government; but rather implies the 
sovereignty of the consolidated people. It may be said that these are 
meie changes of name, and not of parlies and their principles. But 
names are indicative of things, and words are signs of ideas. Even 
though the idea may remain the same when the term is first altered; yet 
the idea soon changes too. 

Tiieie is another parly name, adopted by those who also claim to be 
true Republicans — conservators of the just position and importance of 
the Stales; liniiters of executive powders, according to a /afr construction 
of the instrument which confers them; firm, yet candid friends of the 
people; advocates of a liberal and enlightened policy for the promotion 
of great interests at home — of justice, as well as a proper display of dig- 
nity and power lo foreign nations, towards all whom they would pursue 
peace and good w-ill by all honorable means, but form " entangling al- 
liances" with none; foes lo disunion — lovers of liberty regulated bylaw; 
and cordial well-wishers of the friends of freedom in every quarter of the 
world, yet unwilling to intermeddle in the afl^airs of other nations, whom 
they would never sufifer to interfere in our own. Who can doubt that to 
such a parly as this, by whatever name it may be designated — Whig, 
Republican, or Democratic — nine-tenths of the people of the United 
Slates are sincerely attached? No doubt, they may differ in making an 
application of some of the general principles just above laid down; but 
they difl^er no more widely than patties did in the days of Mr. Monroe; 
no more widely than different branches of each parly among themselves, 
and who yet hold together. Why can not all parties, and fragments of 
parties, come together as each party now does ititei' se, discuss public 
measures in a patriotic and conciliatory spirit of compromise; and unitedly 
co-operate with each other in carrying out great measures of government, 
as the diflferent and difl^ering sections of each party now do? 

A majority of both patties, now divided by the appellation Whig and 
Democrat, are like friends passing one another in the dark, or in disguise. 
This may prevent a recognition, but does not prove them to be any the 
less friends. The contests of parties thus not unfrequently resemble 
those unfortunate mistakes in the melee of battle, when from want of 
distinguishing badges, from panic, or the glooiTi of night, soldiers pour 
upon iheir own friends tfie deadly fite intended for the foe. 

Parties have sometimes com])letely changed places; the one espousing 
and claiming the credit of cariying out measures, which it had rejected, 
denounced and defeated, when proposed by their opponents. And even 
in such a case, they contend strenuously for their consistency and iden- 
tity. They remind one of Sir John Cutler's black worsted stockings, 
which were darned so often with silk, that at last they consisted entirely 
of silk, and yet were held by metaphysicians to be the same pair of 
worsted stockings. Or of the argirment upon the same abstruse sirbject 
of idenliiy, between a professor and his pupil. The professor asserted, 
that so long as any considerable substantial portion of a thing remained, 
its identity was preserved. The pupil, who sat whittling a stick, (before 



13 

in apparent inatleniion,) turned up such a look of doubt and incredulily, 
that the professor asked him if he was not satisfied. " I cannot say iliat 
I am," rephed the pupil. "Suppose 1 were to lose the bhide of this 
knife, and have a new blade put to (his handle, you say that would siill 
be the same knife?" '' Yes." " Then suppose I were to lose the han- 
dle, and have a new handle put to the blade, by your argument, the 
knife thus formed, would retain ils identity?" '-Yes." "Then sup- 
pose some one wer:i to find the handle and the blade which I had lost, 
and put iheni together again, pray what knife would that be?" Tims 
the blades and handles of parlies are continually joining new blades and 
handles, and still pretend to be the same originals. 

Political parlies sometimes part with large numbers, who once co- 
operated with them; or absorb numbers once opposed to them; or adopt 
measures which they once opposed; or renounce measures which their 
predecessors of the same principles as themselves, as ihey say, embraced ; 
and yet claim to be the same parly, and appeal, in order to secure popu- 
lar approval, to those whose precept and example they have actually re- 
pudiated. 

It may tend, therefore, to promote a friendly recognition of each oiher, 
by those who now stand opposed, to show that neither party has always 
been the keeper of the true political faith for which they are now con- 
tending. For surely, if either party can be convinced that those whom 
they claim for their predecessors and standards, and of whose wisdom, 
pairioiism and orlhodoxy they make a constant boast, have advocated 
measures which they now condemn, what should hinder them from re^ 
turning to [.he practice o( ihose, whose principles they profess to maintain 
and perpetuate? And if there can be a consiitulional " platform" erected 
broad enough to contain all parties, and yet constructed of materials se- 
lected by, and whose soundness has been approved by, the great and 
good, the wise and patriotic, to whoiri all look as their political fathers 
and founders, what but wilful obstinacy, or fanaticism, (which we will 
not here suppose to be so invincible,) can prevent them from adopting 
tfiat platform, and planting themselves in union upon it? Let us then, 
turn to the history of parlies and their measures, and appeal to the pre- 
cepts and examples of those who are revered by each as ils founders and 
fathers. 

The two great parlies into which the people of this Union are divided 
at present, are the Whigs and the Democrats. I do not mean to employ 
the term Locofoco, because in the opprobrious sense in which it is em- 
ployed, it is equally applicable to fragments of both parties. 

The Democrats claim to be the friends of a strict construction of the 
Consiituiion ; the guardians of the reserved rights of the States; and in 
the application of these, their general and leading principles, they oppose 
the tariff, the banking system, especially a bank of the United Slates, the 
distribution of the proceeds of sales of ihe public lands, and internal im- 
provements by the General Government. They also claim to be more 
properly the friends of human right and liberty in general ; and at the 
same lime, in the Southern States, to be the safest custodians of the in- 
terests and rights of the slave-holding States. 

The facts presented by successive presidential elections, furnish a singu- 
lar and paradoxical commentary upon what is called the slavery ques- 
tion, which both in its real and its perverted aspects, is one of momen- 



14 

ious concern. We have seen ihe South upholding noilhern presidents, 
easily satisfied with iheir piomulgaiion of what ihey deen) " soiiihern 
principles," and whicfi, "for the nonce/' may have been sincerely en^- 
braced; and the North, even in tiie midsl of free-soilism recommended 
by llieir own most distinguished and honored sons, adiiering to southern 
slave-holders. I know that these things are readily explamed by parti- 
sans, so as to sustain the predetermined course of their respective parties; 
but they seem to demonstrate beyond a doubt, that in its relations to the 
presidency at least, this slave question has been unduly exaggerated and 
improperly handled. 

If the slavery question be fraught with the deep and overwhelming in- 
terest attached to it in a presidential campaign, and lire North still be 
willing to support a southern slave-holder, then the South might well re- 
linquish some of the minor political issues in which the southern candi- 
date may diti'er from those who claim to be the peculiar friends of the 
South; for surely in the eye of reason, probability and experience, the 
interests, habits, education, feelings and affinities, social and political, of 
the slave-holder, may be regarded as sure a guaranty for Southern Insti- 
tutions, as the pledges of a northern candidate, which may be (I do not 
say have been) adopted with a view to wheedle the South, in order to se- 
cure a nomination, or promote an election of a northern man. And the 
more, in the opinion of any friend of the South, the slavery question ab- 
sorbs and overrides all other questions, the more incumbent upon him is 
it to examine well, how far he can yield those admitted minor issues, and 
give his hearty support to the present incumbent of the presidential chair. 
No future candidate can be presented from the South more true to it than 
he, with any hope of his being elected president of this Union. But as 
this subject will have to be handled again, I will pass it now without fur- 
ther consideration. 

The success of the Republican party, in ISOO, was so complete, and 
their ascendancy so firmly established during several successive adminis- 
trations, that it has long been the practice with the parties which have 
since arisen, to seek popular favor and confidence, by claiming to be the 
defenders and preservers of the old JefTersonian Republican principles. 
Of the present political parlies, that which styles itself the Democratic, 
have succeeded best in persuading the people that they are the true suc- 
cessors, or continuaiors, of the old Republicans; and have constantly 
aimed to cast upon their opponents as much as possible of the odium and 
unpopularity which befel the Federalists. Thus, no doubt, the imputa- 
tion of upholding the federal principles of that day, has had great influ- 
ence with many minds, even when it was unjustly and sometimes insin- 
cerely made. Philosophically considered, the practical tendency of 
those charged with being federalists may be less dangerous than that of 
those who denounce them for their supposed latitudinarian views of the 
Constitution. Admit that they are in favor of a strong federal govern- 
ment, and seek unduly to enlarge the grant of powers conferred by the 
Constitution; yet they confide the exercise of ihose powers to the truly 
Republican, — the representative bodies; where there are many checks 
and balances, and where there is a direct responsibility to the people of 
the Stales, as States. On the other hand, those who refuse the exercise 
of those powers to Congress are exposed to the greater evil of strength- 
ening the monarchial branch of the government, — the one-man power, — 



15 

the Executive: and tliey do lliis, not only by seeking and encouraging 
the piolection of his veto againsl the supposed usurpations of the ofi- 
selecled representatives of the people ; but by the great deference and 
respect which they claim for the President as the head of the great peo- 
ple, not of tlie States, as States, but of the Union, and as the avowed 
champion of the Constitution. 

Now, the representative system is the glory and the bulwark of Re- 
PUBLiCAX government ; and from the manner in which representatives 
are chosen ; from the tenure of their office, especially in the moie popu- 
lar House; from the diversity of interests; from their number and local 
position, there is less danger from them than from the Executive. 
Which is best to exalt even beyond due bounds, an emphatically Re- 
publican feature in a Constitution, or one emphatically monarchial? The 
one-man feature of any government is monarchial, whether in a Demo- 
cracy or an Absolute Despotism. Let all parties go for the genuine con- 
servative liberties of the country; restraining all departments within their 
true constitutional bounds; neither submitting to the dictation of a popu- 
lar President, nor yielding to Congress powers which the States have 
fairly denied. To do this, they must disregard present party names and 
pretensions; see what measures and principles have been appioved by 
the best and highest Republicax standards, and embrace them without 
regaid to existing parly distinctions, and be ready and willing to coope- 
rate with all who will carry out those measures, whether they may now 
be in progress of execution, or have to be started anew. 

I shall endeavor to show that the principles and measures which have 
thus been sanctioned have not been constantly held and consistently 
practised by the parties which have professed them; and if 1 succeed in 
this, of coinse I shall have laid the foundation for a new party, the Tay- 
lor party, — the Democratic Republican party. 

It may tend to conciliate the attention of some whom he desires to 
persuade, for the writer to declare that he is not an oiiginal Taylor man, 
though he is now one most cordially; that he is not in favor of abolislv 
ing the veto, and that he has no objection to seeing a good President 
elected a second term. 

Let us now proceed to show, that the approved Republican princi- 
ples have not been always maintained and applied by the paities that 
have professed them. 

STRICT CONSTRUCTION. 

The general principles of ^'strict construction," as introduced and es- 
tablished imder Mr. Jefferson, are those which have since prevailed; arid 
they are those which should prevail. But yet, in many cases, they have 
not been applied at all; and, in others, have been grossly misapplied by 
those who professed them. Indeed, so large a majority of the nation 
have espoused those principles, that the diversity of opinion on public 
measures has arisen almost entirely from a different application of them. 
I knew that the effort is generally made to brand those who make par- 
ticular applications of them with the opprobrium of denying them; but 
one had as well say that their author did not embrace them, because he 
differed from Mr. Jefferson in his application of them ; or had just as 



16 

well charge the different denominalions of christians with being infidels, 
because they differ so widely in their interpretation of the same common 
Bible, which they all receive and revere as their rule of faith and prac- 
tice. 

I know, (00, that the Virginia Resolutions of -98 are now very often 
ridiculed by those who have never read them, or who have no reasons to 
mge against them. But they are the embodied views of some of the 
purest patriots, 9oimdesi statesmen and best expositors of the principles of 
Republican government that our country, — more prolific of high polit- 
ical philosophy than all others put together. — has ever produced. 

The doctiines of the Virginia Resolutions and Report of '9S-0 are, in 
the main, perfectly irrefragable. They are the deliberate convictions of 
the v;ise and even-minded Madison; and, taken with his practical inter- 
pretation of them, and that of his immediate successor, who also made 
them his guide, they allow to the Federal Government every power 
which it is expedient for it to exercise. It is true, that many statesmen 
have since arisen wiser and more patriotic than Madison oi Monroe; who 
have corideiiined the strict construction of those fathers as loo latiludin- 
oijs; but now is the time to return to the precepts and example of the 
"Eaily Presidents," under the lead of one who lias the matdy candor to 
prefer their wise counsels to any new schemes of his own devising. 
There is certainly a latitudinous and dangerous interpretation of the 
powers of the federal government; there is also a loo restricted one, which 
leavitig no room for great unforeseen public necessities, yet when such 
emergency arises, is forced to shuffle, equivocate and "stretch," in order 
to prove it constitutional to provide for it. But for a desire to abstain 
from any allusion which may arouse party feelings, memorable instances 
of recent occurrence might here be adduced. A fair, just construction of 
the Constitution would allow in advance for the admission of many such 
new emergencies, without forcing politicians to disingenuous subterfuges 
to justify their palpable inconsistencies; whilst, at the same lim.e, it 
would insist upon the Congress and all other branches of the govern- 
ment being kept from trespassing on the rights and powers reserved to 
the States. 

I.— ORIGIN AND CHARACTER OF VIRGINIA RESOLUTIONS OF '98-99. 

The doctrines of "strict construction" proper, sprang ostensibly from 
the discussions and movements to which the Alien and Sedition laws 
gave rise. 

However wrong and impolitic the passage of the sedition law may 
have been, it must be admitted that there was strong provocation to it. 
Its friends may say, that if ever there was a parly in this country who 
gave "aid and comfort to the enemy," it was what was called the 
'•'French parly" in the time of the Elder Adams, which embraced not 
only so large a number of our own citizens, but some ihiity thousand 
French emigrants and refugees, who with pen and tongue were con- 
stantly reviling and assailing the federal government. And alas! here, 
as in France, the professed advocates of the rights of man, — those who 
claimed to be more emphatically the friends of human liberty, — were 
inimical or indifferent to man's highest blessing — the Christian religion. 



17 

Siill tlie sedition I;uv wns most unfortiinate for ils authors, and indeed 
was unnecessary ; for just about the lime of ils passage tlie conduct of 
iFie French government had been sufficieruly unmasked fully to justify 
the course of the administration, and to arouse nearly the whole Union 
to the highest pitch of patriotic indignation. JXoihing but a just cause, 
the cause of the country, could have prevailed upon \VASinxGTON again 
to leave the sweets of Mount Yernoti and buckle on the harness of war. 
That he did consent to lead our armies, if need be, against our late friend 
and ally, is worth volumes of other authority with those who appreciate 
ariglil the character and judgment of this best of men — our earlit^st and 
best President. May there, however, be many more like him. But the 
changes in the councils of France retnoved the causes of war; peace 
was made; the indignation of the people subsided; and the opponents 
of the administration had now full opportunity of erecting all liieir bat- 
teries against it. They availed themselves chiefly of the alien and 
sedition laws, which, though widely difTerent, were indissolubly yoked 
together. Mr. JefTerson directed the political warfare, and had, especially 
in Virginia, where his influence was almost omnipotent, the ablest coad- 
jutors; amongst whom Mr. Madison stood most conspicuous. 

In 179S; resolutions strongly condemnatory of the policy and princi- 
ples of the administration, and especially of the "odious alien and sedi- 
tion laws," as they were termed, were passed by the Legislatures of 
Virginia and Kentucky, and transmitted lo the governments of (he other 
Stales. But they reproved Virginia and Kentucky in the strongest terms: 
some, I venture to say, taking even the most anti-republican ground, in 
their counter preambles and resolutions. 

In 1799, the Legislature of Virginia referred its own resolutions, together 
with those of Kentucky and the responses received from the other Slates, 
to a select committee, by whom they were calmly exan)ined ; and the Vir- 
ginia resohitions were reconsidered and re-aflirmed. Mr. Madison drew 
up the report: — note that fact ; for frequently, when the report of '99 is 
referred to as authority, it is in condemnation of some measure which ils 
very author, and consequently best interpreter, approved: — Mr. Madison 
drew up the leport, which is worthy of its paternity, and, with some ex- 
ceptions, is an orthodox exposition of the principles on which our federal 
Constitution should be interpreted ; so as to allow to Congress all powers 
fairly conferred upon it, and to preserve to the Slates all the rights re- 
seived to them. 

There certainly are rights reserved to the Slates : There certainly are 
also implied powers, admi'ted by all parties; but when those powers 
shall be implied constitutes the difTerence between them. Some may he 
too lax; oiliers loo stringent. Madison, — one of the best infoimed, most 
unprejudiced and even-minded fathers of the Constitution, — and INIonroe, 
who was in all respects his political co-adjutor, had an early opportunity 
of exemplifying the principles of the Resolutions and Report of '99; 
and who can deny that their practical exemplification by such men, 
when, too, their influence was so fresh and active, is the best guide lo 
their true meaning and application? Yei, strange to say, the Resolutions 
<fcc. of '99 have generally been held up for adoption with Mr. JelTerson's 
interpretation, actual or supposed. Mr. Jefferson was far more sanguine 
than either Gen. Washixcton, Mr. Madison, or Mr. Monroe. In oilier 
3 



18 

words, he was less conservative, and more radical than they. One illus- 
tration of this assertion will here suffice. At the lime of Mr. JeflTerson's 
death; there was a prospect of having a convention to revise and amend 
the Constitution of Virginia; and Mr. Jefferson, in a letter to Mr. Ker- 
cheval, made pubHc such views as to the changes proper to be made, 
that "the fear that some of them deemed most exceptionable would be 
adopted under the known influence of his name, and his presumed efforts 
in their favor, induced many who would otherwise have desired a levision 
of the Constitution, to postpone it during his life."* This was the case, 
too, with his own friends and admirers, personal and political. But when 
the Convention was held a few years afterwards, no friend of true Re- 
publican liberty and good government, deprecated the known influence 
of the names of Madison and Monroe, or their efforts in behalf of excep- 
tionable innovations. Mr. Madison was in the Convention, and one of 
its Mentors; and Mr. Monroe presided for awhile over its deliberations : 
he who in the Presidential chair of the Union had but recently made 
such a wise and patriotic exhibition of the triumphant principles of '98- 
9, as to have consolidated all parties in his and their support. 

Some facts in the early history of strict construction should teach 
those who now claim to he its peculiar friends and advocates, a lesson of 
tolerance and good-will towards those who do not make the same appli- 
cation of it that they do. Surely if Mr. Jefferson found it difficult, nay 
impossible, to adhere to it in all cases, and yet they adheie to him, they 
should be more charitable to alleged departures from it in others; and if 
they find themselves now denouncing, as destructive of the principles of 
st?-ict construction, measures which have received the sanction of Mon- 
roe, Madison and Jefferson, or either of ihem, instead of tiying to stig- 
matise the supporters of those measures as federalists,f they might well 
doubt the soimdness of their own deductions. 

II. SOME FACTS IN THE EARLY HISTORY OF "STRICT CONSTRUCTION." 

1. Even before "strict construction" proper was promulgated in '9S-9, 
there was a singular illustration of it by those who refused to make the 
necessary appropriations of money to carry out Jay's Treaty. In Vir- 
ginia, they assailed the venerable and patriotic Henry for alleged tergiver- 
sation in politics, and hardly spared the father of his country. Mr. 
Henry's daughter wrote to him to enquire whether he had thus changed; 
and in reply he repels the charge in a letter which, though he has not 
much reputation as a writer, proves him to have been almost as effective 
with the pen as with the tongue. 

The Republican leaders in the House of Representatives claimed a 
right to participate in the ratification of Jay's Treaty ; for which Mr. 
Henry thought them inconsistent and departing from their own construc- 
tion of the Constitution. In his letter to his daughter, he says, "As to 
the reports you have heard of my changing sides in politics, 1 can only 

* Tucker's Life of Jefferson, 11, 390. 
f I knew Mi. Madison's opinion once to be quoted to show that the Tariff was not 
inconsi.stent with Stale rights and strict construction. But his authority was soon dis- 
patched by the anti-larilhte with the declaration that " Mr. Madison was always some- 
thing of a federalist himself." As well reject the authority of St. Paul, when we 
don't like his doctrines, by saying that he was something of an infidel! 



19 

6ny they are not true. I nm too old to exchange my former opinions, 
which have grown up in(o fixed habiis of iliinking. True ii is I h;ive 
condemned li»e conduct of our mentbers in (Joiigiese, because in refusing 
lo laise money for ilie purposes of liie Brili=h treaty, they in eHeci would 
have surrendered our coimiiy bound liand and foot to the British nation. 
* * The treaty is, in my opinion, n very bad one indeed. But what 
must I think of tiiose men, whom 1 myself warned of liie danger of 
giving the power of making hiivs, by means of treaty, to the President 
and Senate, when I see these same men denying the existence of that 
same power which they insisted in our Convention ought properly to be 
exercised by the President and Senate, and by none other?" Here 
Patrick Henry could have the candor to admit, that a power had been 
granted which he had wished to be withheld. His opponents denied a 
power foi which they had once contended. It might have been charged 
against him, as it has been against numbers since, that he was under 
British influence; when, like him, they are least apt to be under it. He 
says, "Sure I am my fiist principle is that from the Briiisli we have 
everything to dread when opportunities of oppressing us shall offer.'' I 
trust, that'' the disposition of Englarid towards us has changed since the 
last war, and is becoming more and more friendly. 

In the sarne letter, he repels another charge which had been made 
against him. "Amongst other strange things said of tne, I hear it said 
by the Deists, I am one of their nundjer; and indeed that some good 
people think me no christian. This thought gives me much more pain 
than the appellation of tory ; because I think religion of infinitely higher 
impoilance than politics; and I find much cause to reproach myself, that 
1 have lived so long, and have given no decided and public proofs of my 
being a christian. But indeed, my dear child, this is a chaiacter which 
I prize far above all this world has or can boast."* 

2. Another illustration of strict construction is furnished by the repeal 
of the Judiciary Law passed towards the close of the elder Adams' ad- 
ministration. Mr. Jefferson very properly determined that some of his 
own political friends should be placed in office, and asserted it to be per- 
fectly fair and just that his own adherents should have at least one-half 
of the public offices. He was particularly reluctant to see any of his op- 
ponents put into free-hold oflices. "I dread this," (the judiciary bill,) 
wrote he to Mr. Madison, "above all the measures meditated, because 
appointments in the nature of free-hold render it difficult lo undo what is 
done."t 

The bill wa.s passed and the judges appointed; though so late in Mr. 
Adams' presidential term, that ijiey were styled, in derision, <Mnidnight 
judges." Mr. JeflTerson, though Mr. Adains was fully invested with the 
powers and authority of President till midnight on the 3rd of March, had 
nevertheless taken the ground that he would remove, or refuse to com- 
mission, uU officeis appointed after his own election as next President 
was known. 

Yet one of his lineal successors and followers (as sotne contend) ap- 
pointed one of the present judges of the supreme court at the extreme 
end of his leim of office ; and the last incumbent of the presidential 

* Wirt's Life of Henry, 385-7. f Tucker's Jefferson, II, 78. 



20 

cliair appoinled a "midnight" minister to n foreign covnl, and the present 
adminisiri\iion had ihe generosity to siifTer hiin to go. 

But how was the measure so much dreaded to be undone? Mr. Jef- 
ferson's friendly hiograplier, tiimself a consirticiionisi of the Stale Rights 
sclioul, says: "This (Judiciary) Law and liiese appointments ifien were 
so generally legarded by the Republican paiiy as a gioss abuse of power, 
and under ihe forms of law as a fraud on the rights of the majority, (hat 
they were well inclined to annul the act by a repeal of the law, if it 
could be dorie consisiently with the Constitution; one of the provisions 
of which seemed at first view to forbid it. Le^al acumen loas therefore 
pvt in requisition to interpret that instrument so as to surmount the 
difficulty, and according to the ordinarij effect of such mental process, it 
was finally successful.''^ 

" Strict constructior> " employing legal acumen to explain (he difficul- 
ties which tlie Constitution presents to ilie execution of its wishes! The 
law was repealed, and the judges fell with the law which had created 
them. This was going beyond l\\efrst intentions, at least, of Mr. Jef- 
ferson ; for in a letter to his friend John Dickinson, he says, "On their 
(the federalist?,) part they have letired with the judiciary as a stronghold. 
# # * 41 By J, fraudulent use of the Constitution, ivhich has made 
judges irremovcable, they have multiplied useless judges merely to 
strengthen their phahmx." And there were a nimiber of Republicans 
who thought the repeal of the jiuliciary law a violation of the spirit and 
meaning of the Constitution ; even as clear an infraction of it as the 
sedition law had been; for where was the independence of the judiciary 
and what the value of the provision by which they were to hold their 
offices "during good behavior," if they could thus be deprived of them 
by the abolition of their courts? Yet the repeal was cairied by the strict 
constructionists of the lower house, after sixteen days debate, by a vole 
of 59 to 32 ! * 

3. Another illustration of the jiractical working of strict construction 
is the acquisition of New Territory. It is positively certain that Mr. Jef- 
ferson thought that the Constitution did not authorize the purchase of 
Louisiana; yet there was an imperious necessity that we should possess 
it, which has always justified the act. He expressly declares to Mr. 
Breckenridge, of Kentucky, " The Constitution has matle no provision 
for our holding foreign territory, still less for incorporating foreign nations 
into our Union. The Executive in seizing the fugitive occurrence which 
so much advances the good of their country, have done an act beyond 
the Constitution. The Legislature, in casting behind them metaphysical 
subtleties and risking themselves like faithful servants, must ratify and 
pay for it, and throw themselves on their country for doing for them un- 
authorized what we know they would have done for themselves had they 
been in a siiu?.tion to do it." 

What iMi. Jefferson here means by " metaphysictd subtleties," is not 
very clear, unless it be the doctrines of strict construction — the act done 
was confessedly "beyond the Constitution;" and yet if any were dis- 
posed to condemn it as unconstitutional, they w-ere invoked to " cast 
behind them" such " metaphysical subtleties;" from which, s^nW gram- 
matical construction would require us to infer, that an adherence to the 

•Tucker'B Life of Jefferson, II, 110, 114. 



. 21 

Constitiiiion, under circiimstnnces of strong temptation to permit its vio- 
laiion, was deemed by Mr. Joflerson, a "metaphysical snbilety." This 
iiiieulionnl iiypercriticism, is not unlike many of the siriciures of pro- 
fessed *' strict constructionists," towards those who differ with them. 

Mr. JefTerson's learneii biograplier, not having the just fear of our fu- 
ture " desdni/^' before liis eyes, thus comments: "^Ir. Jefferson's doubts 
appear to lest on strong ground ; for assuredly, if the execmivc with the 
sanction of the senate, could constitutionally buy l^ouisiana of France, 
r\nd stipulate to incorporate it into the Union, it might also have bought 
Mexico of Spain, and thus the whole character of the people of the 
United Slates, their government, religion, laws and institutions, nught 
have been merged in that of a nation more populous than itself; which 
supposition is utterly inconsistent with the jealous limitations of power 
imposed by the Constitution." 

But notwithstanding Mr. Jefferson's decided opinion as to the uncon- 
stitutionality of the purchase of Louisiana, sonie of his adherents stood 
ready to prove it all consistent with strict coiislmctioii. To Col. Wilson 
C. Nicholas, who thought that the power to admit new States extended to 
the acquisition of new territory, Mr. Jeflerson replied, that though the Con- 
stitution might bear that interpretation, yet " when an instrument admits 
two constructions — the cite safe, the other dangerous; the one precise, 
the other indefinite, I prefer that which is safe and precise;" and he had 
"rather ask an enlargement of power from the nation, where it is found 
necessary, than assume it by a construction which would make our pow- 
ers boundless." Still he was very willing to acquiesce in tliat interpreta- 
tion which he had fi.sl pronounced both dangerous and indefinite, " con- 
fiding," as he continues, "that the good sense of our country will cor- 
rect the evil of construction whenever it shall produce ill effects." 

No amendment sanctioning the purchase of Louisiana was deemed 
necessary by the inajority of the Republicans of that day; and not only 
did the construction of Col. Nicholas then prevail, but that and a wider 
one, has been recently sanctioned in the acquisition of Texas. 

The writer admits that he was in favor of the aimexaiion of Texas. 
The wider construction of the Constitution to which he referred, con- 
sisted in: 

4. The admission of Texas into our Union, by joint resolution of the 
two house? of congress, instead of by treaty, ratified by two-thirds of the 
senate. This will serve as a farther illustration of the manner in which 
the principles of strict construction have been applied. Texas was 
avowedly introduced into our confederacy by the professed strict con- 
structionists : and could she have been admitted by the senate, that sanc- 
tion would have been preferred, and none other resorted to. It happens 
very singularly, that we know, from a mistake of Mr. Jefferson, what 
were his views upon this subject. " We see," says he to Mr. Madison, 
"a new instance of the inefiiciency of constitutional guards; we had re- 
lied with great security on that provision which requires two-thirds of the 
legislature to declare war; but this is completely eluded by a majority's 
taking such measures as will be sure to produce war.'''' He was entirely 
mistaken in supposing that it required two-thirds to declare war; but the 
principle he asserts is sound; and "how coinpleiely," it may be said, in 
his own language, "was the constitutional guaid requiring two-thirds of 
the senate to ratify a treaty eluded, by resorting to a majority of congress 



22 

upon joint resolution" — done too, as generally alleged, for the express 
))iirpose of overcoming the more than one-third minoiity of the senate, 
who wore opposed to ihe ireaiy of annexaiion. 

And so far from wailing for a majority of the Legislature to declare 
war, ihere are not wanting those who maintain and liclieve, that a late 
Piesident did, wiihout consulting Congress, though they were then in 
session, "-take such measures as tcere sure to produce tvar." Whereas, 
Mr. JeflTerson in a letter to Mr. Madison, exulted " tliat we had already, 
in example, given one efTeclual check to the dog of war, by transferring 
the power of declaring war from the executive lo the legislative body ; 
from ihose who are to spend to those who are to ) ay."^ 

The foregoing acts and instances, all taken from the history of the Re- 
publican party, founded upon the principles of the resolutions of '9S 
and '99, and of that party which have claimed to be the only legitimate 
successois of the old Republicans of '99, should suffice to shew that 
iliere may be wide diflferences in the application of general principles, 
though warmly and sincerely espoused, and thai no party can lay claim 
lo an entire consistency with their professed principles. 

These things aie not adduced for the put pose of stigmatising those to 
whom ihey refer; but with the hope of proving that no party can be re- 
garded as exclusively the keeper and pieseiver of the true Republican 
faith, and fience of promoting a spiiit of conciliation, harmony and union, 
between the opposing parties of the day. 

A MODERN FEDERALISM. 

It is the habit of most of (he professed advocates of "strict conslruc- 
tion," to deny that those who espouse measures different from those 
which they deem ''necessary and proper" for the general government to 
adopt, are friends of strict republican principles at all. They brand 
them as federalists, and none of the formulae in vogue with nurses for 
frightening refractory children, have been more absurdly and foolishly 
used, than this charge o( federalism. There is now in this country no 
such parly. There are some avowed federalists scattered amongst both 
parlies, and most thickly percliance, amongst those who lepel any affinity 
with them. But ihere may be a federal party worse than the old one, 
Avho under the dearest epitlieis and the sweetest professions, may sow the 
seeds of political evils to such an extent, as lo cause the Irue patriot lo 
exclaim with Madame Roland, " Oh liberty ! what criiTies are perpetrated 
in thy name!" 

Many a politician in this country does not scruple to allow (o the exe- 
cutive, powers, acts and prerogatives, more dangerous to, and subversive 
of, ihe spirit of our instiiuiions, than those which in the iiame of siiict 
construction, they der»y to the legislative department. Thus, lliey sanc- 
tion the wiong principle, that one man is a better representa'.ive of the 
people, because elected by the whole people, than the Senate and House 
of Representatives, who represent the Stales and the people. 

Old-fashioned republicanism, in vindicating the sovereignly of the 
States, denied the political existence of any such thing to be represented, 
as the people in an aggregate and consolidateJ form. The spirit of con- 

* Memoir, Correspondence, &c., Ill, 31. 



23 

solidation was then abhorred. Now-a-days, it is maintained by those who 
pretend to adhere to old Republicanism, that as the Senate represenis 
the Sovereign Slates, and the House of Representatives iheir respective 
local constituencies, so the President represents the people, and is their 
special agent and protector. Hence, abuses of the veto power, and other 
impioper exertions of executive pierogalive, have been submissively sanc- 
tioned, as if upon true Republican principle. This is going beyond the 
stficl constructionists even of the British Constitution, and yet for an 
Adams or a Hamilton, simply to have lauded some of the features of the 
British Constitution, proved them Monocrats and Federalists! 

The old-fashioned Federalists were too liberal in their allowance of 
constitutional powers to the Congress, They were successfidly resisled 
and overthrown by the Republicans, and yet the successors of these 
very Republicans go for a more laiiiudinous allowance of powers to the 
executive, because he is supposed to represent tiie people. Now, in the 
proper estimate of our constitutional polity, one of the ablest expounders 
of tlie State Rights doctrine, denies that there is any such body to be 
represented or regarded, as the aggregate people. The late and lamented 
Judge Upshur, who was so suddenly torn from the theatre of public af- 
fairs, by the awful explosion on boaid the Princeton, most ably combatted 
the views of Judge Story on this very subject. With less learning, per- 
haps, than his eniineni opj^onenf, he possessed no less ability and logical 
acumen, and his "Brief Enquiry,"* modest and unpretending as it is, 
may rear its "undiminished front" even by the side of "Story's Com- 
mentaries." 

No witness to the truth of the views here expressed, could be more able 
or impartial. 

" We have," says he, "every reason to love and admire our Constitu- 
tion, and to place it far above every other system in all the essentials of 
good government. * * But if our author's (Judge Story's) principles 
be correct; if ours be indeed a consolidated, and not a fedeiaiive system, 
I at least, have no praises to bestow upon it. * * * The principle 
that ours is a consolidated government of all the people of the United 
States, and not a confederation of Sovereign Stales, must necessarily ren- 
der it little less than omnipotent. The powers of such a governmenl are 
supposed to reside in a mojority of the people ; and as its responsibility 
is only to the people, that majority may make it whatever they please." 

The modern doctrine is, that the President stands for, and repiesents 
that irresponsible majority, as the other branches of government repie- 
sent iheir respective constituencies; and hence he may do nearly as he 
pleases, for by his election, he is supposed to have a majority in his 
favor. 

Our State Rights author continues: "The separation and coitiplete in- 
dependence of the several departments of the government, is usually 
supposed to afTord a sufficient security against an undue enlargernen: of 
the powers of any one of them. This is said to be the only real dis- 
covery in politics which can be claimed by modern times. * * ♦ But 
we should not rely on it with loo implicit a confidence. • * * In spile 

* Brief Enquiry into the true nature and character of our Federal Government ; be- 
ing a Review of Judge Story's Commentaiies on the Constitution of the United States. 
By a Virginian. Petersburg, 1840. Passim, and at pp. 124, 5, 6. 



24 

of every precaution against it, some one depnitincnt will acquire an un- 
due preponderance over the rest. The first excesses are apt to be com- 
iniited by the liegislature; and in a consolidated governnienlj such as 
Judge Story supposes ours to be, there is a peculiar proneness to this. 
In all free governments the democratic principle is constantly extending 
itself. The people being possessed of all power, and feeling that they 
are subject to no authority but their own, learn in the end to consider 
the very restraints which they have voluntarily imposed upon them- 
selves, in their constitution of government, as the mere creatures of their 
own will, which their own will may at any time destroy. * * * 
But whatever power the Leo-islatur'C may wi7i, they 7/:in it not for them- 
selves: hut for the Executive. * * The powers which are expressly 
loclffed in the Executive, and the still greater poavers which 
ARE ASSUMED becausc the Constitution does not expressly deny them, a 
patronage v:hich has no lijnit and acknowledges no responsibility ; all 
these are quite enough to bring the IjCgislature to the feet of the Ex- 
ecutive.''^ * * "One by one the powers of the other departments are 
swept away, or are wielded only at the will of the President. That 
officer is not by the Constitution, and never was designed to be, any 
thing more than a simple executive of the laws. * * The boasted 
balance which is supposed to be found in the separation and independ- 
ence of the departments, is proved, cveyi by our own experience, apart 
from all reasoning, to afford no sufficient security against this accumula- 
tion of powers," in the hands of the President. 

Here is a picture of Federalism indeed; and the old Legislature Fed- 
eralists have now given place to the Executive Federalists. Why shall 
not the real Republicans, who coinpose so large a majority of the peo- 
ple, come forth from whatever paity ihey niay now be attached to, and 
put down these Federalists also? Let them rally upon the platform of 
the Republicans of '99— ISOO— 1S08— 1S16— the platform of JeHerson, 
Madison, Monroe: — the platform of Zachary Taylor, who reveres the 
puie examples of these illustrious predecessors!* 

WHY THESE GENERAL VIEWS ARE INSISTED ON. 

These general views of the principles of "strict construction" are thus 
insisted upon, not for the purpose of disparaging, far less of alienating, 
those who iTiay have been guilty of inconsistency with or departure from 
those principles; but for (he purpose of endeavoring to show the more 
conclusively that the measures which the ojiposing j)arties of the Union 
now advocate respectively, are but diflferent applications of the same gen- 
eral principles of construction, embraced by the mass of both parties. 
So much is this believed to be the case, that if either party were brought 
to regard any of those measures as highly expedient, no opposition 
would be made to them on the ground of their unconstitutionality. 

*In the discharge of these duties, my guide will be the Constitution, which I this 
day swear to preserve, protect and defend. For the interpretation of that instrument, 
I shall look to the decisions of the judicial tribunals established by its authority, and to 
the practice of the government under the earlier Presidents, who had so large a sha e 
in its formation. To the example of those illustrious patriots, 1 shall always refer with 
reverence, and especially to his example, who was, by so many titles, the Father of 
his Country. — Gen. Taylor'' s Inaugural Address. 



25 

If those who claim lo be the "siiict constructionists" pioper, could be 
convinced that they dilTer from iheir opponents chiefly in the apjjlicaiion 
of the same general Republican principles, the barrier now existing 
between them would not appear so great; the now exaggerated, and even 
pretended violations of the Constitution, would be urged no longer; the 
hard nicknames now used to indicate one another's supposed want of 
political principle, and to excite or peipcluate popular prejudices, would 
be discardeil; and a great part of the '• middle wall cf partition" would 
be thrown down; and then these paities, beholding one another in the 
light of conciliation and harmony, would speedily overleap the remain- 
ing portion and cordially embiacc, with united hearts, their countiy's 
highest good, instead of their own success and predominance. 

A candid illustration of what is here more particularly intended can, 
it is believed, only proinole the object of this appeal. 

The Dernocralic party claim to be the more especial friends and main- 
tainers of strict construction. Yet how have they applied these nuble 
doctrines? 

1. It must be adiYiitted that some of the old Federalists do not regard 
their position in and cooperation with the democratic parly as incompati- 
ble with their principles. Even if such distinguished men as Chief Jus- 
lice Tatjey, Mr. Buchanan and C. J. Ingersoll be not examples, as^they 
are supposed to be, there is no doubt that some can be found. They, 
then, must be regarded as belter satisfied with the practice of the Demo- 
crats than that of the Whigs. 

2. When Mr. Calhoun was in favor of the United Stales Bank he was 
deemed a good Republican. So was Mr. Clay when he opposed that 
institution. Here was but a diflTerent application, then, by these two 
great men, of the same principles: Neither will admit that he has changed 
his leading views of conslituiional law. Why should not the same be 
now true, when Mr. Clay is in favor of an United States Batdc and Mr. 
Calhoun opposed to it? And so of other measures which Mr. Calhoun 
espoused before he was Secretary of War. 

3. The time was when Mr. Clay, Mr. Calhoun, Mr. Crawford, and 
Gen. Jackson, were all regarded as leading men of the Republican 
party, and each put forth by large numbers as worthy of the Presidency. 
Mr. Crawford was the choice of the "strict constructionists" proper, and 
Gen. Jackson was then almost entirely repudiated by them. Mr. Craw- 
ford died, and Gen. Jackson ultimately became President and the head 
of tlie party which is now known as the democratic. What application 
canie now to be made of the doctrines of "strict construction?" One 
instance will suffice lo show. 

4. Mr. Calhoun, in his application of them, led ofT a sovereign Siale 
lo nullification; which Gen. Jackson, in his application of them, resolved 
lo ptit down, if necessary, by force of arms. Yet Gen. Jackson was sus- 
tained in his whole administration by numbers of the most clamorous 
supporters of "strict construction" and Slate rights; and ev( n by some 
of (hem who had once declared that his election would prove a curse lo 
the country. 

Now, for a Whig to avow his preference for ihe TariflT, United Stales 
Bank, Distribution, &c., is said to be sufficient evidence that he denies 
4 



26 

the legilimate rules of construing the Constitution: — in short, is a Fed- 
eralisi ; and yet two classes of l^eniocrati: rnay plant themselves, one 
upon Nullification, the other upon the Proclamation and Force Bill, and 
yet both stand upon the glorious Resolutions of '98! How can such 
things as these be fairly justified ? Yet to these add the instances already 
given from the early history of "strict constiuction," and it must appear 
thai the demociaiic parly are as much in need as any oilier of the princi- 
ple, that the dilTerence of measures is more in ihe application of the 
same general principles of constitutional interpretation, than in those 
great fundamental principles themselves, which both parlies cordially 
espouse. 

GEN. TAYLOR AND THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 

In urging a union of parlies in support of Gen, Taylor's administra- 
tion, of course the burden of the appeal must be addressed to the candid, 
liberal and tolerant of the democratic party. Tlie Whigs are already in 
his favor, with some slight exceptions; and yet it would not require ihe 
Democrats to relinquish as much to come to his support, as ihey have 
often resigned to parly necessity and to the suggestions of some of their 
heads. Why will they not yield to iheir country what ihey have thus 
often surrendered to their party? Will they not? 

They migiil do this for Gen. Taylor, though they should refuse it to 
any nther. When he fought his way to that distinction which was the 
cause of his being elevated to the Chief Magistracy of the Union, he was 
their soldier and servant, carrying their own admiuisiration, not only suc- 
cessfully, but gloriously, through a foreign war. In the long and faith- 
ful service which he performed, extending ihrougli several administrations 
of diflferent political complexions, — in the discharge of duties irrespective 
of party and due to the whole country, his mind and feelings have be- 
come fully nationalized; and he is prepared to be the President of the 
Utjion — the whole Union, "one and indivisible." Though, like every 
indepeniient and candid irian, he has political preferences, yet he is no 
bigoted politician; and without attempting to occupy ihe absurd and 
slippery ground of neutrality, or no-paityism, he is not obnoxious to 
those chaiges, prejudices and objections which attach to most of ihe lead- 
ing members of lliat party with which he coincides as so "moderate" a 
member. Every firm and inde[)endent mind must take sides with one 
party or the other, and it is not here pretended that Gen. Ta} lor has not 
made and does not intend to abide by his choice; but he is what he 
styled himself, "moderate'^ and conciliatory in his views and feelings. 

In estimating the character and position of Gen. Taylor as Piesident, 
one important ciicumstance should not be overlooked. He was elevated 
to the high seat which he occupies without having cherished any political 
aspirations whatever. Thus he was exempted from the cabals and in- 
trigues of veteran politicians, and there had been no drawback to the 
thorough and entire nationalization of his principles, whilst discharging 
his uiiliiary duties. Thus he was prevented from becoming a one-sided 
partisan, courling political promotion whilst performing services due to 
the whole couniiy. When a miliiaiy chieftain comes to avert his eye 
from the rank and file of his troops <o the rank and file of party; — to lurn 
from inspecting the cartridge box to cast n wistful eye at ihe ballot box, 



27 

it will betoken no good to our liberties. If successful in gaining his ob- 
ject by the ordinary political appliances, all may be well. Bui disap- 
pointed ambition and pride, wounded by supposed liigli claims being 
slighted or postponed, may fan the flames of discontent amongst his mil- 
itary followers, and ultimately endeavor to plant the cartridge bov upon 
the ballot box. But Gen. Taylor had hardly dreamed of the Presidency 
till his military career was brought to a close by having this high civil 
oflice conferred upon him. Both this consideration and his well-poised 
mind and character are a guaranty that we have nothing to fear for our 
institutions from such a military chieftain as he. 

If it be said, that from this very freedom from political aspirations, he 
had acquired the less experience of public measures, yet lei it be remem- 
bered well, that having shown his prudence and capability in every posi- 
tion in which he had been placed, they will not depart from him in the 
Presidential chair. A man, it is true, may have his fort, and may be 
great in only one, or in a few ihings; but prudence, perseverance, integ- 
rity, and good sense, are qualities susceptible of the most comprehensive 
applications, and will prove safe guides through every department and 
business of life. Walter Scott puts a fine saying in the nrioulh of his 
sensible Flemish weaver. "Sound judgment," said he, "is like the 
yard stick, that measures alike the coarsest cloth and the finest and most 
cosily fcibrics." Besides, every President is supposed and required to 
avail himself of the first statesmen and diplomatists of the age; and a 
good President, like Gen. Taylor, can obtain their assistance without 
submitting to their governance; can ask their advice, without insisting 
upon their obsequious acquiescence, or yielding his own just convictions; 
can rule together with ihem, without ruling or being ruled by them. 
The BEST AND GREATEST OF MEN was uot afraid to make free use of 
the aid and counsel of an enlightened Cabinet. Yet, fellow-citizens, 
many now-a-days are putting forth undigested views of Presidential pre- 
rogative, which would make either the President, or Cabinet, (for both 
would struggle for the mastery, though the President would generally 
win the victory,) the obsequious echo of the other. If the President do 
not virtually nullify his constitutional advisers, or supplant them by in- 
fluences behind the scenes, they pretend that he is weak and incompe- 
tent, and style the government a "Regency." 

The man who, as a soldier, Iras for years held a high military com- 
mand, which he has wielded fearlessly and independenily, who on the 
plains of Buena Vista dared take the responsibility of judging for himself 
when he put his all at slake, cannot, but with absurdity, be supposed a 
fit tool for any set of men. And yet a sense of his own inexperience 
hitherto as a statesman, may be the first and greatest step towards that 
political wiidom which his administration is destined to display. 

MEASURES DIVIDING PARTIES. 

Having dwelt so much at length upon these more general considera- 
tions, it will be the less important to dilate upon those particular measures 
which have divided the political parties of ihe country. There is not 
one of these thai should constitute any barrier to the re-union of all par- 
ties in support of General Taylor. 



28 

As to ihese parlicular measures one general proposition may be as- 
serted, that even in respect of Bank, Tariff, Distribution, Internal Im- 
provement, Free-soilism and the like, there is no settled uniformity of 
sentiment in either of the political parties; but often great contrariety in 
the different States, according to liieir position and local interests. Man- 
ufacturing Slates are, or will soon become, ex rei natura^ Tariff Slates; 
and some of the agricultural Slates, when it was supposed that the Taiiff 
woidd raise the price of their great staples, weie in favor of it, and only 
changed that favor to opposition, when they were brought to think that I't 
was to (heir interest to cling to the foreign market, as that in which they 
could sell highest and buy cheapest, "rhe lake and river States are and 
ever will be in favor of internal improvements by the general govern- 
ment, and the very necessity of the case in reference to the Mississippi 
has even compelled some of the statesmen of " the most strictest sect" 
to acknowledge the right and duly of the general government to improve 
it. In short, Slates like individuals will speedily fall into those channels 
which their peculiar interests designate. Yet, in many of the Slates we 
find parties cooperating there with parties in other States with whom they 
dififer more widely on some of these leading political questions than they 
do with those to whom they are opposed. 

To some, this union of all parties which is here proposed, may seem 
impracticable; but what is there in it more impracticable than the coope- 
laiion of a Virginia or South Carolina free trader wiih a Pennsylvania 
Tariff Democrat; or a strict anii-internal improvement man with a Mich- 
igan lake and harbor improvement Democrat; or a hot Southern pro- 
slavery man with a Northern free-soiler or abolitionist. Yet, we know 
tirat there are instances of such cooperation, not only on the part of indi- 
viduals, but of large nnd influential State parties. Indeed, leaving out 
the question of free-soilism, the northern, eastern, western and some of 
the souih-wesiern Democrats, would find their true and genial allies in 
those liberal Democrats and moderate Whigs who have elevated General 
Taylor to ihe Presidency; — a man worthy of their highest confidence, 
identified with none of the hackneyed political issues of the times, and 
pledged to nothing but his country and her good. There is, there can 
be no incongruity in burying past useless and often insincere contentions, 
and re-uniting in peace and harmony upon the basis of Taylorism, sanc- 
tioned as it is by Washington, Jefierson, Madison and Monroe, and, in 
many respects, by their successors also, 

I. THE UNITED STATES BANK, 

\\-\ regard to the Bank of the United States, there is everytliing to soften, 
if not to reconcile, the differences of parties. When the fiameis of the 
federal Constitution were nearly all alive and numbers of them were in 
the public councils, the Uniied States Bank was incorporated. The 
wise, impartial and incorrupt Washingto:^ listened calmly to iis friends 
and its opponents, and sanctioned its establishment. Even admitting 
that Mr. Jefferson was opposed to it, and so remained to the end of his 
life, he was not sustained in this by his own political adherents; nor by 
(he two Presidents who succeeded him, both members, as it were, of his 
iiTiiTjediate political family. The philosophic and discriminating Madi- 



29 

son yielded his opposition to the repeated expression of legislative will 
and the known favor which the i3ank received from his own Republi- 
cans. Being the author of the doctrines of " strict construction " as sel 
forth in the Resolutions and Report of '0S-'99, his sentiments ought to 
outweigh those of a host of disputants on the other side of the question; 
and if lie be charged with inconsistency, let them answer satisfactorily 
his letter to Mr. O. J. Ingersoll, on this very subject, dated Jrjne 25ih, 
1S31. In this letter he says, '^ It was in conformity with the view here 
taken, — of the respect due to deliberate and reiterated precedents, — that 
the Bank of the United States, though on the original question held to 
be unconstitutional, received the executive signature in JS17. The act 
originally establishing a Bank had undergone ample discussions in its 
passage through the several branches of the government. It had been 
carried into execution throughout a period of twenty years, with annual 
legislative recognitions; in one instance, indeed, with a positive ramifica- 
tion of it into a new Stale; and with the entire acquiescence of all the 
local authorities, as well as of the natioyi at large, to all which may be 
added a decreasing prospect of any change in the public opinion adverse 
to the constitutionality of such an institution. A veto from the Execu- 
tive under these circumstances, with an admission of the expediency and 
almost necessity of the measure, would have been a defiance of all the 
obligations derived from a course of precedents arnounling to the requisite 
evidence of the national judgment and intention." 

The views thus taken by Mr. Madison were but confirmed by the 
course of every administration down to that of General Jackson, who, 
upon his accession to the presidency, undoubtedly had no opinion adverse 
to the constitutionality or expediency of a Bank of the United Slates. 
It is true, that he made a successful war of extermination upon the Bank 
then in existence; and opposition to such an institution has since become 
one of the tests of that parly which then sustained him, and is now 
known as the Deinocralic. Yet in the very midst of his contest with the 
Bank, he declared that he would have given the plan of a Bardc of the 
United States, which he would have approved ; and wlien he had suc- 
ceeded in putting down the Bank, as if afraid of the consequences of his 
own proceedings, he earnestly urged the Stale ''pet banks" to that over- 
accomiTiodation which produced such disastrous results to the commu- 
nity. These results, thus associated in many minds with the late United 
Stales Bank, have tended to ihrow upon it an odium which did not pro- 
perly belong to it. It cannot be denied that General Jackson admitted 
that some form of an United States Bank was constitutional, and the plan 
which Mr. Ingersoll has given as his, in the last volimie of his History of 
the War of 1812, is by no means free from the objections taken by the 
Anti-Bank party. Did not a late "stiici construction" President veto a 
Bank cautiously based on these very principles? 

If it were the purpose of General Taylor's administration to insist 
upon the esiablishment of another United Slates Bank, they would be 
amply sustained by the precepts and example of those who are acknow- 
ledged as their leaders and faiheis by the parly now chiefly opposed to 
his administration. But such is not the case, and his administration may 
intend to make a full and impartial tiial of the financial system now in 



30 

operation, introducing into it such changes, modifications and safeguards 
as experience has shown to be indispensable.* 

On the financial question, then, — the leading question now-a-days of 
every liberal government, — Gen. Taylor's adminislraiion may justly claim 
the support of every Democrat now opposed to him. And the Whigs, 
wiio would prefer the establishment of a Bank, at once, should be con- 
lent to make a fair experiment with the present system, knowing that a 
Bank would not stand a good chance of fair trial at this time, clogged 
and impeded as it would be in its every step by an unrelenting hostility. 
Even if I were more confident than I am of the entire expediency of a 
Bank, I would at this time greatly prefer making only such changes in 
the fiscal concerns of the government as were proved to be necessary. 
But whilst I admit that the constitutionality of such an institution should 
now be legarded as settled forever, yet 1 must confess strong doubts as to 
its expediency, except under peculiar circumstances. Hence, however, 
I may be permitted the more readily to appeal to the Anti-Bank men to 
sustain the administration of General Taylor. 

II. THK TAEEFF. 

The same union of parties may be urged with equal force and pro- 
priety upon the subject of the TariflT. Indeed, most of the manufactur- 
ing interests of our country have arrived at that stage in which they re- 
quire very little of the fostering care of government; and whatever real 
difTerence once existed upon the subject of governmental protection of 
Home Industry is rapidly disappearing. So that, with the exception of 
the class of abstractionists and ultra free-traders, whose Stales have no 
interests demanding the protection of Government, the two great parties 
of the country already very nearly coincide upon the subject of the TaiiflT. 
Certain it is, that there are thousands of Tariff Democrats; and if, in 
their case, it be not inconsistent with those general principles of "strict 
construction," (fc-c, which attach them to the democratic party, how could 
it be in the case of others to wliom we appeal for support to General Tay- 
lor's administration? The views of the last democratic President, Mr. 
Polk, satisfied the TarifTiites of Pennsylvania; and why should not those 
of General Taylor, which do not differ from his in any material point. 
Fairly considered, there was not any practical difference between the 
views of Mr. Clay and those of Mr. Polk, in the contest of 1S44; and 
Kiany of the leading Democrats, especially in the Northern, Eastern and 
Western States, undoubtedly fully concur with the leading W^higs of 

* It will be remembered that nearly all of this pamphlet was written and the whole 
conceived, as it is written, before the author had seen the President's message. Tn that 
message is the following : — 

" The question of the continuance of the Sub-treasury system is respectfully submit- 
ted to the wisdom of Congress. If continued, important modifications of it appear to 
be indispensable. 

" For further details and views of the above, and other matters connected with com- 
merce, the finances and revenue, I refer to the report of the Secretary of the Treasury." 

And the Secretary of the Treasury says nothing on the subject of now establishing 
a Bank. 



31 

those sections. What then, but a want of patriotism and candor, can 
prevent them from liarmonizing and coopcraiing upon this great ques- 
tion ? Some politicians say that a TaiiH' must be laid for purposes of 
revenue exchisively, but at ilie same time ihey wish and expect it to 
afFord " incidental protection" to domestic industry ; and yet they sup- 
pose that this wish, expectation and intention, that liome industry shall 
be thus '^'- incidciitalhy^ protected, are less a violation of the Constitution, 
than if a discriinination were made so as directly to protect it. Such 
reasoning would appear to them futile and unsound, upon any other sub- 
ject. It is as if they should say, a man may not lawfully kill Curtius; 
and if he fire into a crowd in which he knows Curtius to be, and so di- 
rects his aim as to kill him, he is gm'liy ; but if he fire at the crowd, 
knowing Curtius to be there, and wishing and expecting to kill him, and 
he tloes kill him, he is not culpable, because perchance, though he wished 
to kill, yet it was not primarily his object in firing at the crowd to kill 
him. Even th.e imperfect obligations of civil law insist, thai a man shall 
be considered to intend the inevitable consequences of his actions; and 
if he fire into a crowd and kill any one, even the man he would least 
wish to have killed, he shall be guilty. It does seem to be the most fair, 
statesmanlike and patriotic, to admit at once, that the protection afforded 
is designed for great national ends. These nice diversities of political 
opinion are the mere subterfuges of parly, to beguile and deceive. Let 
a Tariff, what General Jackson termed a "judicious Tariff," fair and 
not excessive in any article, be imposed, and discrimination be made in 
favor of our own country ai\d her people. Though self-inlere-t may bins 
(he judgment, yet it as often opens the mind to the reception of truth; 
and wherever there is the least home interest to foster, a tariff for revenue, 
discriminating in favor of that liome interest, will meet the favor and ap- 
probation of the people. It is the right doctritie, the profitable docliine, 
and the patiioiic doctrine. But even before this modification of the doc- 
trine of protection was made, theie were not wanting leading statesmen 
who contended that a tariff of far greater protection than will ever be de- 
manded again, was entirely consistent with their democratic creed, and 
with the true principles of "strict construction." Mr. Jefferson him- 
self WAS IX FAVOR OF PROTECTiox, and at a later period Mr. Madison, 
a belter authority than Mr. Jefferson, (because he was the expounder, in 
'98 and '99, of the doctrine of ''strict construction," and brought those 
principles to bear upon the decision of the question after it had become a 
matter of political discussion and division,) declared himself in favor of 
a tariff. Now-a-days, whenever a man declares himself in favor of the 
constitutionality of a tariff, he is charged with having repudiated the 
principles of '98 and '99, though he is but the close follower of Jeffer- 
son and Madison. When did those great Presidents repudiate the prin- 
ciples of '98? 

The following extract will lend to shew Mr. Jefferson's views of pro- 
tecting home indtistry, but numerous other passages of his might be ad- 
duced, even more pointed on the subject. In his first message to Con- 
gress, speaking of " Agricidture, Manufactures^ Commerce and Naviga- 
tion, the four pillars of our prosperity," he says, thai though mosl thriv- 
ing when left to individual enieiprise, " protection from casual embarrass- 
ments may sometimes be seasonably interposed," and he urges Congress 
lo consider how far they could constitutionally aid them, and also our 



32 

cnrrying trade. Now, how could pioteciion be ever "seasonably inler- 
posed," according lo tiiodern tighi-laced constmciionj if it he positively 
and at all limes unconstitutional? Were we to admit that Mr. Jefferson 
thought a Tariff unconstitutional, yet he here plainly declares, that when 
manufactures become much embarrassed, they may be protected. Thus, 
mere expediency may for a lime sanction and justify that which was 
never designed, and is not fairly deducible from the Constitution! Yet 
so it is, with these over-strict constructionists; whatever they oppose is 
unconstitutional; whatever they deem expedient becomes consiituiional, 
even for a little while, if they please so lo have it. But j\Ir. Jefferson 
was not guilty of these inconsistencies, for he admitted the constitution- 
ality of a Tariff. 

Farther than this, what was Mr. Jefferson's embargo and non-intercourse 
policy, but the worst sort of Tariff of protection — an utter exclusion of 
all foreign manufactures; yet it was necessarily so uncertain in its dura- 
tion, that no reliance could be placed upon its continuance, and hence it 
could not much foster home manufactures, though Mr. Jefferson urged 
this fostering as a consideration in its favor. 

During the fourteenth Congress, in Mr. Madison's administration, a 
new Taiiff of duties was laid, in which Mr. Calhoun, Mr. Lowndes and 
others, expressed their intention to establish a system of protection for 
American manufactures. 

The Tariff policy during Mr. Monroe's administraiion was, as wc siiall 
see hereafter, marked and decided. 

Nothing during Mr. Adams's administration would he received as au- 
thority by those whom I am endeavoring to persuade and convince; but 
this fact may be stated, that in the annual report of Mr. Rush, Secretary of 
the Treasury, an elaborate view was taken of the manufactures of the 
country, and their encouragement and protection warmly recommended. 
And yet Mr. Rush is a prominent membtr of the Democratic party, with- 
out having, we venture to say, changed his desire to protect home inter- 
ests ; especially the iron and coal of Peimsylvania. In addition to this, 
it may be slated, that the committee who reported the bill that resulted 
in the Tariff of Abominations of 1S28, was composed of only two 
friends of the administration, and five of the opposition, and only one of 
the seven was decidedly opposed to a Protective Tariff. 

Leaving Mr. Adams, and passing by the authority of Mr. Calhoun 
piior to this lime, we come to that of one who brought to a crisis the op- 
positig applications of the Slate Rights and sirict consiruciion doctrines of 
Virginia. Here we have the Tariff, the Proclamation, Force-bill and 
Nullification, all claiming to spring legitimately from the true principles 
of construing our Federal Constitution ; and yet, strange to say, the 
leaders of Nidlification have become identified with, and in a great nieas- 
ure supplanted by the followers of the Proclamaiiunisis. What incon- 
gruity compared with this, could be found in all men of every hue of 
political opitiion, giving an earnest support to Gen. Taylor? It must be 
admitted, however, tliat though superseded by those wiih whom they 
have consented to cooperate, the Nullifieis and Anii-tariffiles have suc- 
ceeded in infusing the leaven of their principles into large masses of their 
parly, until ii has become pretty much in many States, a test with the 
democratic patty lo oppose a Tariff. Yet South Carolina and Pennsyl- 



33 

vania can unite in support of the same candiilatc for (he Presidency, 
though one will have nothing but a free trade, and the other nothing but 
a tariir man ! 

The progress of our country, the skill of our arlizans, the bold enter- 
prise of ou°r capitalists, the rapid increase of our population, have, for- 
tunately, done much, and arc still doing much, towards the settlement of 
the Tarifl* question. Home manufactures now no longer require the ex- 
lent of protection that was once sought in their favor. Already, a Tariff 
for revenue, either with ''incidental'''' protection, or with "^discrimina- 
tion'''' in favor of home industry, is almost, if not entirely sulTkieni, for 
every practical purpose. 

As the friend of Gen. Taylor's administration, 1 should hope for, and 
approve no iiltraism on any subject; but yet let bold independence and 
justice to every section of the country mark its every measure. Let him 
be neither the President of South Carolina, nor of Massachusetts, but as 
he is sworn to be, and I believe he will be, the Presiderrt of the nation. 
A high pr-otective Tariff would be sectional; an ultra free trade policy 
would be sectional; a moderate, "judicious Tariff," will be national 
and beneficent; and 1 care not whether, in raising sufficient revenue for 
all the just purposes of a liberal and honorable government, it protect 
home industry by discriminating in its favor, or incidentally; provided, 
the incident certainly happen. 

I doubt not that the course intended by the Administration will satisfy 
all but those predetermined to be factious, whatever face the future may 
wear. But sucli a determination will not be made by the liberal and in- 
telligent people of this Union. 

But it is already more than time that we were proceeding to the exam- 
ination of Mr. Monroe's administration, which has been proposed as the 
basis of the union of parties. Other measures that now divide parties, 
will be treated of under that head. 

THE PRINCIPLES OF MR. MONROE'S ADMINISTRATION PROPOSED 
AS THE BASIS OF REPUBLICAN RE-UNION. 

General Taylor having been elevated to the Presidency chiefly by the 
Whig parly, who, as a party, still support his administration, of course 
then, as already stated, any appeal for a union of parties in favor of his 
administration, must be addressed mainly to the Democratic party. It 
must be shown to them that General Taylor is likely to carry out such 
measures as should receive their sanction. If those measures be such as 
have been advocated and executed by the very progenitors of their party 
and the founders of their principles, surely it would be but a stigma and 
reproach upon those progenitors and forrnders, for them to reject those 
measures now, though proposed by a President whose election they op- 
posed. And if those great statesmen whose authority they hold in such 
just veneration, saw noihing in those measures inconsistent with or de- 
structive of those great firrrdamenial principles which are now claimed as 
the foundation of the democratic party, it is fair to presiime that there is 
really no such incompatibility now as is sometimes insisted on. 

The principles of Mr. Monroe's administraliorr may be taken as a test 
upon this important subject; because that administration was undoubt- 
5 



34 

edly REPUBLiCAX, or democintic, and received the (vimost nnaniinous ap- 
pioval of (lie country. It is true, ifial this iinppy liaimony in the public 
mind was, in a {jreat degree, the result of Mr. Madison's wise policy ; 
which Mr. Monroe did but continue and confirin; but this unaniiuiiy of 
political seniiment was not perfecied till the time of Mr. Monroe; and as 
his administration exemplified republican principles in a season of iin- 
iulerrupied peace, lliat m;iy be taken as the surer and beller test. 

I niight lake it for grarued that no true Republican, or Democrat, of 
the school of '9S-9, will or ought to deny the orihodoxy of Mr. Monroe. 
It may be best, however, to shew why the most implicit confidence should 
be reposed in Ijis orihodoxy. 

MR. MONROE'S CHARACTER AND PRINCIPLES. 

Mr. Monroe was always a Republican of ihe most siringent (enacify. 
Alihough fully convinced of the defects of ihe old ariicles of confedera- 
tion, yet he ojipo.sed ihe ado[)iion by V'irginia of the Federal Consiiiuiion, 
because he thought it was not sufficienily rcstiiciive of ihe Federal Gov- 
erumeni, or sufficiently protective of ihe reserved rights of the Suites. 
In his firm adherence lo Vvhat he deemed true Republican principles, 
he even felt bound lo oppose the neiural policy of Gen. Washington 
lowaids France; and when sent as minisier lo that country by that mag- 
nanimous man, his strong sympathy for her soidisaiit republican princi- 
ples came well nigh canying him to an unjustifiable length against his 
own Government, which he lepresentcd. VViih his known iniegriiy and 
pMiioiism, this swerving, as it were, in behalf of liberty and human 
lights, is but a stronger testimony to his slatmch Republicanism, as he re- 
garded it. 

Mr. Monroe was a Republican legislator in Iiis native State; and twice 
her Re[)ublican Governor. He was her Republican Represeniative and 
Senaior in ihe Congress of the United Stales. He was Madison's Re- 
publican Secretary of Slate, and also his Secrelary of War. He was 
Madison's Ilepulilican compeiilor for ihe Piesidency; and his Republican 
successor in that higii office; and long llie inlimaie and confideniial asso- 
ciaie atui correspondent both of him and Mr. JefFerson. From his youlh 
lie was a Republican, and at his death but the more confirmeil in those 
principles. In college halls; in the camp; in legislative halls: in the 
field; in the cabinet; in foreign courts; and at the head of Cabinets, he 
was the same undeviating Republican. 

Born in the same county with Washington, he seems to have caught 
something of the same disinterested integrity which distinguished that 
peerless patriot: he could dare to serve his country at the iu<zard of his 
own populaiiiy and aggrandizement. When the British, relieved from 
their husiile operations against France by the great overthrow at Water- 
loo, were about lo turn agaitisl us their concentrated troops, some of whom 
were still Hushed wiih their gie;U vicloiy over ihe leyi-.uis of Napoleon, 
Ml. Monroe, then uniiing the offices of Secrelaiy of Slate and Secretary 
of War, proposed to increase our army by a draft of reciuits from the 
whole mass of able-bodied men in the Union. For the safety of his 
coumry, thus menaced by so foimiilable a foe, he felt it his duly lo make 
this proposition, though lie well knew, and his friends warned him, that 



35 

it would endanger his popiilnrily iiiul Iiis prospects for the Presidenc-y. 
Bill he hohl liiin to the defence of his counny, and resolved, in case the 
war coniinued so as to make the draft necesaaiy, to wiihdraw his name 
from the Presidenlia! canvass, and acUially aulhoiised his fiicnds to make 
pidjlic this ilelerminaiion. 

But the war was happily terminated, and in lS16,Mr. Monroe received 
froni the Republican paiiy iheir nominaiion for the Picsidency ; he 
was elected and almost unanimously sustained by ilie whole couniiy, 
dnrint; liie longest peiiod of service allowed in thai office by the usage of 
tlic Governinent. 

Now, I he present democratic parly claim to be the linenl successors of 
the Republicans of this old school; and as ihe then Refublicax pany 
sustained ihe measures in which the Republican principles were, during 
the admiuisiralion of iMr. jMomoe, embodied and applied, if the f)resenl 
democraiic party be that pany which he, Madison and JefTerson, led to tO 
many successive victories, what reason can there be now for this demo- 
cratic party to repudiate the principles and measures of Mr. Monioe, 
which were not oidy republican, but sanctioned by the almost unanimous 
voice of his countrymen? How can principles and mcasines emltraced 
ly the whole n .tion as eminently republican from 1S16 to JS24,have 
become so federal and oHensive now, in the c:-limalion of those who jire- 
Icnd (o adhere to ihe piinciples of the old Republican school? Even 
were there no written menioiiids of the pasi, one would \\\\\\k it rather 
hazardous to put forih such an idea, in so sliori a lime; for ihe dimmest 
lighl of memory and oral tradition would be sufficient to expose its ab- 
suidiiy. But the well preserved records of the past make such an idea 
preposterous. Yes, fellow countrymen of the modern demociaiic party, 
only prove yotiiselves sincerely devoted to the Hue, yea the strict consti- 
tutional principles of the great founders of the old Republican parly, and 
there will not be the slightest olislacle in the way of a harmonious union 
on one who will surely follow out their genuine doctrines and imiiale 
their brilliant and patrioiic examjiles; one, who. I doubt not, will add to 
the souiul orthodoxy of these Rcfuiblican fathers, the disintcre.^ied pa- 
triotism, the upright firmness of the very best of them. The soundest in 
theory and the best poised in judgment was probably Madison; but the 
most successful in giving entire saiisfaclion to ihe nation was Monroe, 
whilst in his moral trails, he, no less than Mndison, (and, 1 doubt not, 
Gen. Taylor will piove no less worthy than they.) was not unwoiihy to 
be a successor to Washington. 

What then rcere the specific measures in u-hich the Republican prin- 
ciples of Mr. Monroe were exemplified and applied, duriii^^ his admin- 
istration 9 

I. UNITED STATES BANK. 

T.itile or nothing was said or done, on this much vexed subject during 
Mr. Monioe's whole administration. The Bank re-chane icd, continued 
in opeiaiion with its branches, (and Mr. JefTerson also sanctioned branches 
10 it in (he States,) all done by the Republican parly, for no other then 
had any power. 

This subject having been already treated, let us pass on lo 



36 

II. THE TARIFF. 

The policy of Mr. IMonroe's adminislralion was so entirely in favor of 
a Tariff, that it is difiicult to determine which of the numerous extracts 
frotn his public documents tliat prove tliis to select. It may not be amiss 
here to collect even a goodly number of them. 

In his first inaugural address,* he says, '^Such is our peculiar felicity 
that there is not a part of our Union that is not particularly interested in 
preserving it," Then having shewn how the Union fostered agriculture,t 
navigation, &c., he continues, '■'• Our 77ianiifactures fi)id a generous en- 
cou7'a^e7nent bij the policy which 2}atronises do7nestic industry; and the 
surplus of our produce a steady and profitable market by local wants in 
less favored parts at home." Hence, too, it appears that this enlightened 
statesman had ti very different idea of the value of a "home-market" 
from that so deridingly entertained of it by some of our modern lights on 
political economy. 

As if reluctant to dismiss the theme, Mr. Monroe says in a subsequent 
part of the same address, "It is important, too, that the capital w^hich 
nourishes our manufacturers should be domestic, as its influence in that 
case, instead of exhaustir)g, as it would do in foreign hands, would be 
felt advantageously on agiiculture and every other branch of industry. 
Equally important is it to provide at home a market for our raw mate- 
rials, as by extending the competition it will enhance the price and pro- 
tect the cultivator against the casualties incident (o foreign markets," 

True to the views thus set forth on the threshhold of the Presidency, 
he, in his first annual message | to Congress, declares, " Our manufacto- 
ries will require the continued attention of Congress. The capital em- 

*" It shall be my study to recommend such constitutional measures to Congress as 
may be necessary and proper to secure encouragement and protection to the great inter- 
ests of agriculture, commerce and manufactuies — to improve our riveis and harbors — to 
provide for the speedy extinguishment of the public debt — to enforce a strict accounta- 
bility on the part of all officers of the Government, and the utmost economy in all pub- 
lic expenditures." — General Taylor's Inaugural Address. 

f " No direct aid has been given by the General Government to the improvement of 
agriculture, except by the expenditure of small sums for the collection and publication 
of agricultural statistics, and for some chemical analysis, which have been, thus far, 
paid out of the patent fund. This aid is, in my opinion, wholly inadequate. To give 
to this leading branch of American industry the encouragement which it merits, I re- 
spectfully lecommend the establishment of an Agricultural Bureau, to be connected 
with the Department of the Lilerior. To elevate the social condition of the agricultur- 
ist, to increase his prosperity, and to extend his means of usefulness to his country, by 
multiplying his sources of hiformation, should be the study of every statesman, and a 
primary object with every legislator." — General Taylor^s Message. 

J" I recommend a revision of the existing tariff, and its adjustment on a basis Avhich 
may augment the revenue. I do not doubt the right or duty of Congress lo encourage 
domestic industry, which is the great source of national as well as individual wealth 
and prosperity. I look to the wisdom and patriotism of Congress for the adoption of a 
system which may place home labor, at last, on a sure and permanent footing, and, by 
due encouragement of manufactures, give a new and increased stimulus to agriculture, 
and promote the development of our vast resources, and the extension of our commerce. 
Believing that to the attainment of these ends (as well as the necessary augmentation 
of the revenue and the prevention of frauds) a system of specific duties is best adapted, 
I stronoly recommend lo Congress the addpiion of that system, fixing the duties at rates 
high enough to ailord substantial and suflicicnt encouragement to our own industry, and 
at the same time so adjusted as to insure stability." — General Taylor's first message. 



37 

ployed in (licm is considerable, and the knowledge required in ihe ma- 
chinery and fabric of all liie most useful manufactures is of greal value. 
Their preservation, which depends on due encouragement, is con- 
nected with the iiigii interests of the nation." 

Again, in his third annual message, lamenting the pecuniary embar- 
rassments that had so deeply alFected the commercial interests and manu- 
facturing establishments of the country, he says, Foreign " manufactures 
have been shipped by the manufacturcis to the United Stales, and in 
many instances sold at a price below their current value at the place of 
manufacture. Although tliis practice may from its nature be considered 
temporary or contingent, it is not on that account less injurious in its 
effects. Uniformity in the price and demand of an article is highly de- 
sirable to the manufacturer. It is deemed of great importance to give 
encouragement to our domestic manufactures," and how far it is practi- 
cable to give them further encouragement, he submits to the wisdom of 
Congress. 

Again, in his fifth annual message, he holds the following emphatic 
languaare: " It may fairly be presumed that under the protection given to 
domestic manufactures by existing laws, we shall become, at no distant 
period, a manufacturing country on an extensive scale. Possessing as 
we do the raw maleiials in such vast amount, with the capacity to aug- 
ment them to an indefinite extent; raising within the country aliment of 
every kind to an amount far exceeding the demand for home consump- 
tion, even in the most unfavorable years, and to be obtained always at a 
very moderate price; skilled also, as our people are, in the mechanic arts 
and in every improvement calculated to lessen the demand for and the 
price of labor, it is manifest thai their success in every branch of domes- 
tic industry may and will be carried, under the encouragement given by 
the present duties, to an extent to meet any demand which under a fair 
competition may be made upon it." 

Again, the very next year, he thus addresses Congress: "From the 
best information that I have been able to obtain, it appears that our man- 
ufactures, though depressed immediately after the peace, have considera- 
bly increased, and are still increasing, under the encouragement given 
them by the tarifl' of 1 SI 6, and by subsequent laws. Satisfied 1 am, 
whatever may be the abstract doctrine in favor of unrestricted commerce, 
provided all nations would concur in it and it was not liable to be inter- 
rupted by war, which (state of things) lias never occurred and cannot be 
expected, that there are other strong reasons applicable to our situation 
and relations with other countries, which impose on us the obligation to 
cheiish and sustain our manufactuies. Satisfied, however, 1 am like- 
wise, that the interest of every part of our Union, even of those most 
benefitted by manufactures, reciuires that this subject should be touched 
with the greatest caution, and a critical knowledge of the ellect to be 
produced by the slightest change. On full consideration of the subject 
in all its relations, I am persuaded that a further augmentation may now 
be made of the duties on certain foreign articles in favor of our own, and 
without affecting injuriously any other interest." 

Such were the deliberate opinions of a Southern President, befoie sec- 
tional parties were formed on the narrower basis of mere local interests. 
In those days, loo, Noilhern politicians could look, as their patriotic 



38 

failiers liiul done, upon tite in?iiiiiiion of shiveiy and on (lie con^proniises 
and aiiangenienls wliitli it liad lenileied necesjaiy in order lo eslabli^h 
our Consiiiuiion and Union. Tliose weie ihe days of Nalionaliiy : now 
is ilie lime of Seclionaliiy i\\^i\ consequent slrife; one poilion of a mis- 
named Union ! arrayed in shameless liosiile aiiiiude against ilieolhei!! 
Thai men can iluis defy ilie spiiii of our insiiiuiions, and reputli;ue, in 
£0 biief a jieriod and so recklessly, all ihal their gieai, wise and good an- 
cesiors siVove for so devoledly, is most melancholy and aslounding! But 
aliis! ;das! some in the Souih have now discovered liiat Mr. Monroe's 
views of ihe laiilF are oppressive lo the Souiii; and some in ihe NonU 
have made a discovery, Iraughi wiiji far more serious conseciuenoes, liiat 
liiey can no longer ijuieily enjoy (he beneliis of our hap|^y Union by a, 
toleraiion of ihings wjiicii ihe best and wisest men ilieir counsels can 
boasi, not only resolved lo tolerate, but acknowledged as the indispensa- 
ble fonndaiion, in part, of our noble Consiiluiion. 

Thus, lake a man, put a Q. in his name, and remove him but one 
generaiion from ihe period when a spirit of harmony, paiiioiism and 
conciliation reigned supreme, and he will recklessly rouse to violence 
thunders of discord which his faihcr used all his powers to soothe to 
peace and rest. Let another generaiion pass, change John Q,. lo Charles 
F., and the highly descended, rapidly descending, misguiiled by pseudo 
y>hilanihropy imd fanaticism, become willing inslrunienis of sectional 
jealousy and strife. The people of the South are no less worthy of ]jo- 
liiical fellowship now than in the days of the formaiion of ihe Union ; 
and the sons and giand-sons of ilie Noith can hardly hiy claim to being 
any more humane^ pairioiic, or liberiy-loviug, ihan their revoiuiionary 
sires. 

Fellow-citizens of ihe North, lovers of peace and liberty, beware tliat 
you do not lo^e boih these inestimable blessings, or desiroy ihose of oihers, 
in ihe ciusade you are miking. The reniend)rance of nullificaiion may 
not tieier you; for nmliiiiides in the South agree with Mr. Monroe, ihiil 
a laiifT is consiiluiional and expedient. But on the slavery que.'^iion, 
the wlujle South is united, and mnliitudes in ihc North agree with them 
as to ihe rights guarantied to the South by tiie Consiiiiition. The issue 
of a coiUcst on this subject will be far more fearfid, and the contest itself 
attended with the direst calamities. What a warning note, what heart- 
moving Jippeals, would not these " eaily Fresiilenls " row utter, could 
(hey behold the aspect of our {)oliiical aliaiis! But such as these cannot 
novv l:e permitted to arouse us lo duty and sooihe us to peace. Yet we 
have '' Moses and the prophets," if men will but hear (hern: Why should 
they insist iliat these sliould "rise from the dead?" 

In his message to Congiess the very next year, Mr. Monroe declares 
thai his views, as to the encourgement of our manufactures, remain im- 
chimged, and he proposes a review of the tariff, in order lo '• iifford adcli- 
iionul prolcclion lo those articles tec are prepared to fuanvfacture ; or 
which are inoie immediately connected %oilli the defence and independ- 
ence of our country." 

Such, then, were the views of ihis Republican President on this gient 
question; — views now loo commonly denounced i.\s I'^edcral, ihouL'h ilins 
avowed by one who had the good fortune of destroying the Federal 



39 

pnrly and bringing ihe whole people (o the snpport of Republican prin- 
ciples. 

Nex(, let US onquiie in wliiU innnner Congress, filled with Republicans 
of ihe Jefreisuriiiii) school, respontlctl lo the foregoing lecominenclaiions 
so ofien urged upon llieni. 

In the Congress of 1S17-18, liiere was a large majoriiy i[i favor of 
proieciiori to domesiic mannfacmres. In the Senaie^ all hut three, and 
in the House, ail but sixteen members, voted lo coniinue, for seven years 
the duly laid in iSlGon imports of collon and woollen manufaciures. 
That duly in ISIG was fixed at tweniy-five per cent, on cottons and 
woollens for three years, and the minimum value of i\ square yard of 
coiion was then fixed at tweniy-five cents. Siill, the proieciion afforded 
by ihe larilf of 1816 was iuj-ufRcicnl ; vast quanlilies of foreign ariielcs 
were imporled, and frightful desolaiion and rtn'n spr.-ad ihroughoul ihc 
country, adeciing not the meicanlile communily alone, btu all classes. 
We have already seen what remedy Mr. Monroe proposed for this slate 
of things. 

In the sixteenih Congress of 1819-20, the subject of addiiional pro- 
tection was much agitated; and a bill for affording ii was passed by a 
majoriiy of twenty in the lower House, but rejected by the Senate. 

In the secoiui session of the sixteenth Congress, there was a proiracied 
struggle in the election of a Speaker. — a vacancy in that office having 
been occasioned bv ihe resignation of Mr. Clay. Il resulted in ibe elec- 
tion of John VV. Taylor, of New York, one of the republican supporters 
of De Witt Clinton, and in favor of a tariff of protection, and opposed 
to the extension of slavery in Missouri, There was still a tariff majoriiy 
in Ihe House lliis session. 

In the seventeenth Congress, the tide rather turned against a laiiff, 
which was opposed especially by Southern metnbers, from an impression 
llial high duties operaieil unequally on ilifiTeient classes and sections. 

Hut during the eighteenth Congiess, Mr. Monroe's view.s wete carried 
out by the joint action of the repieseniatives of the States and people. 

In conclusion of this subject, it may be added that Gen. Jackson him- 
self was in favor of a ''judicious nuilT ;'^ though it is not given us lo 
know exactly what kind of tariff he thought would be "judicious." 
But as such an one would, according to his opinion, be proper and con- 
stitutional, I cannot well conceive how any one else can be pieduded by 
his example fronr judging of the judiciousness of a proposed lariflT; and 
if he deem \i judicious, pronouncing it consiiiuiional. 

Bui Geneial Jackson has given us quite a decided declaration of his 
opinion in favor of a t:riff, in a place where il might not have been ex- 
pected, viz: his Maysville Road \\i\o Message. " When,*' says he, "the 
national debt is p;iid, the duties upon those articles u-hich ue do not raise 
may be repealed wiih safely, and still leave, I trust, wiiiiout oppression 
lo any section of the country, an accumulating siuplus fund, which may 
be beneficially applied lo some well digested system of improvement." 
Of couise, then, il was his opinion that these articles which we do raise 
should l>e fostered by a conlintiance of duties, even after payment of ilie 
national debt. Bui we have in the same able document a more explicit 



40 

declaration than this: "As long," says he, "as the encouragement of do- 
mestic manufactures is directed to national ends, it shall receive from me 
a temperate but steady support. There is no necessary connection be- 
tween it and the system of appropriations (for internal improvements). 
On the contrary, it appears to me that the supposition of their depend- 
ence upon each other is calculated to excite the prejudices of the public 
against both. The former, (i. e. enccurngemeni of domestic manufac- 
tures,) io sustained on the ground of its consistency with liie letter and 
spirit of the Constitution, of its origin being traced to the assent of all 
the parties to the original compact, and of its having the support and ap- 
probation of a majority of the people ; on which account it is at least 
entitled to a fair experiment." Here, then, is a marked distinction drawn 
by one whose opinion many of ihe soi-disant "strict constructionists" 
ought to respect, between the constitutionality of a tariff and of iniernal 
impiovement; and an admission, by the same high authority, that public 
prejudices may be excited against both; and when these prejudices have 
been engendered they stand, both in the stead and in the way of a thou- 
sand sound aiguments, and are loo often impregnable to reason and ex- 
perience. 

A "judicious tariff," for the "temperate but steady" encouragement 
of those articles which our country does, or can easily produce, is the only 
national policy entitled to the adoption of wise lawgivers. It was the 
policy of such statesmen as Jefferson, Madison and Monroe; and will be 
that of Gen. Taylor,* who will, with a bold originality, dare return to 
their illustrious examples. 

rtl.— INTERNAL DIPROVEMENTS BY THE GENERAL GOTERNMENT. 

The same course will be pursued in reference to this subject, that has 
been with regard to the Bank and Tariff; viz: presenting a summary of 
Mr. Monroe's views, derived from his own public documents. 

In his first inaugural address, he says: "Other interests of high im- 
portance will claim attention, among which, the improvement of our 
country by roads and canals, proceeding always with a constiiirtional 
sanction, holds a distinguished place. By thus facilitating the intercourse 
between the States, we shall add much to the convenience and conrfort 
of our fellow-citizens; much to the ornament of the country, and what 
is of greater importance, we shall shorten distances, and by making each 
part more accessible to, and dependent on, the other, we shall bind the 
Union more closely together. Nature has done so much for us by inter- 
secting the country with so many great rivers, bays and lakes, approach- 
ing from distant points so near to each other, that the inducement to com- 
plete the work seems peculiarly strong." It must be admitted that here 
are very strong views in favor of internal improvement — the inducement 
to it, and the benefits from it — one of the chief of which is the slrengih- 
ening the bonds of the Union. But all this was to be, of course, with a 
"constitutional sanction." Without this qualification, neither the au- 
thority of Mr. Monroe, nor any one else, would be entitled to any weight. 
How far, then, in his opinion, did Internal Improvements by the Federal 
Government, have a constitutional sanction? It is often asserted in mere 

♦See note, p. 36. 



41 

general lern^s, that Mr. Monroe was opposed to Iiilcrnnl linproveinciils on 
constiiuiioiial g^roiinils; anil in one sense, this <jenerai proposition is true, 
though it by no means conveys a jtist idea of his oi)ituons on this great 
question. It is true, thai he declares his fnin belief, ihat under liie Con- 
siiluiion, (he general government have no right to carry on internal im- 
provements within the States, so as lliereby to acquire oi exercise any 
right, or dominion, or jurisdiction, over the soil; but that leaving liie do- 
minion and jurisdiction over said imi)rovements in the hands of (he 
Stales in which they aie respectively situated, the Geneial Government 
have a right to make even large appropriations out of the national treasury 
(o works of Internal Improvement within (he States, with their assent, 
and wherever such works can be regarded as of national utility. But 
this is not all ; for so deeply impressed was Mr. Monroe with the utiliiy 
of a general system of national improvements, that he desired and re- 
commended the adoption by the States, of an aiTiendmenl to the Consti- 
tution, by which (he power that he believed to have been withheld from 
Congress, should be conferied upon them. 

A few extracts from Mr. Monroe's Slate papers, will plainly shew that 
the above aie his exact views on this subject. 

In his first annual message, he says: " Never did a country of such vast 
extent, offer equal inducements to improvements of this kind, (roads and 
canals,) nor ever were consequences of such magnitude involved in them. 
* * * A difTeience of opinion has existed from the liisi formation of 
our Constitution to the present lime, among om- most enlightened and 
viiiuous citizens," — [heie, mark ihat!] — "respeciing the right of Con- 
gress to es(ablish such a sys(em of improvement. * * * Disregard- 
ing early impressions, I have bestowed on (he subject all the deliberation 
which its great importance, and a just sense of my duty required, and the 
result is a settled conviction in my mind, that Congress do not possess 
the right. It is not contained in any of the specified poweis granted to 
Congress, nor can I consider it incidenlal to, or a neccssaiy means, viewed 
on the most liberal scale, for carrying into efl"ect any of the powers which 
are specifically granted. In communicating this result, 1 cannot resist 
(he obligation which I feel (o suggest to Congress the propriety of recom- 
mending to the States the adoption of an amendment lo the Constitution, 
which shall give to Congress the right in question. In cases of doubtful 
construclion, especially of such vital interest, it comports with the naiCn-e 
and origin of our rej)ublican inslilulions, and will contribute much to 
preserve (hem, to apply lo our consii(uen(s for an explicit grant of (he 
power. We may confidendy rely, (hat if i( appears (o (heir satisfaction 
(hat the power is necessary, it will be gianled." 

ll is evident ihat he thought the consiitucnls ought (o grant the power, 
for he continues: — ■ 

" In this case, I am happy (o observe, (hat experience has afTorded the 
most aniple proof of its miliiy, and that the benign spirit of conciliation 
and harmony which now manifests itself throughout our Union, prom- 
ises to such a recoinmendation (he most prompt and favorable result." 

And Gei^. .Tackson, whose administration was unfalteringly sustained 
6 



42 

by lliose who were llien, and are now, most clamorous about "sirict con- 
struction," says in reference to this very same subject: 

"The difficuhy and supposed impracticability of obtaining an amend- 
ment of ilie Consiituiion in this respect is, I firmly believe, in a great 
degree unfounded. The lime has never yet been, when ihe patiioiism 
and inleliigence of ihe American people were not fully equal lo the great- 
est exigency; and it never will, when the subject calling forth their in- 
terposition is plainly presented lo ihem. To do so with (he questions in- 
volved in ihis bill, (ihe Maysville road bill,) and lo urge ihem to an early, 
zealous and full consideration of iheir deep imporiance, is in my esiima- 
lion, among ihe highest of our duties." 

In his same veto message. Gen. Jackson says farther, ihat in making 
such an amendment to ihe Constitution, "the right to exeicise as much 
jurisdiction as is necessary to preserve ihe works, and to raise funds by 
Ihe collection of tolls lo keep ihem in repair, cannot be dispensed with. 
The Cumbeiland Road should be an inslruciive admoniiion of ihe con- 
sequences of acting wiihout ihis right. Year after year, contests are 
witnessed growing out of efforts lo obtain the necessary appropriation for 
completing and repairing this useful work. While one Congress may 
claim and exercise the power, a succeeding one may deny ii ; and this 
fluctuaiion of opinion must be unavoidably fatal lo any scheme which 
from its extent would promote the interes;s, and elevaie the character of 
the coimtry." How pertinently, too, would ihis wise observation apply to 
the Tariff! 

This Cumberland road seems lo be an anomaly approved even by 
'' strict construciion." It is certainly a vety extensive work, and one of 
very gentfial iiiiliiy ; but it is no more national than the Maysville road 
would be, if projected and commenced with a view of uliimatelv ex- 
tending it to New Orleans, or some point on the Gulf of xMexico. Gen. 
Jackson approved appropriations to the Cumberland road ; he vetoed the 
Maysville road, because it was local and not national. As lo the Cum- 
berland road, he says: 

"No less than iweniy-ihiee different laws have been passed ihrough 
all the forms of the Consiiiuiion, appropriating upward of two millions 
and a ludf of dollars out of the national Ireasmy for ihe support of that 
improvement, wiih ihe approbaiion of every President of the United 
Slates since its commencement." 

There does not seem to have been any material — certainly no practical 
difference, belween the views entertained by Gen. Jackson, tmd those of 
Mr. Monroe, on the subject of Internal Improvement by the General 
Government. Both tienied Ihe consliiuiionaliiy of a general system, by 
W'hich in their opinion, the jurisdiction and sovereignly of ihe Slates 
would be invaded; but boih reconunendcd that the right should be 
granted, with proper restrictions, and both sanctioned large appropriations 
to special works of general utility and national impoitancc. 

In May, 1S2"2, Mr. Monroe vetoed a bill for the preservation and repair 
of the Cumberland road, "because a power to establish turnpikes with 
gates and tolls, and lo enforce the colleciion of tolls by penalties, implies 
a power lo adopt and execute a complete system of Internal Improve- 
ments." * * * ^' I am of opinion that Coiigiess do not possess this 



43 

power; that (he Slates imlividiially cannot grant it, for alihougli tliey 
may assent lo the appropiiaiion of money within their limits for such pur- 
poses, they can grant no power of jurisdiction or soveieignly, by special 
compacts vvitli the United Stales."* 

Tlie same day tliai he sent in this veto message, he sent to Congress a 
very long cunmiunication, in which his views of Internal linprovement 
are fully set foiih. He employs the following language: — 

" Good roads and canals will proinote many very important national 
purposes. They will facilitate the operations of war, the movements of 
troops, the transportation of cannon, of provisions and every warlike store, 
much to our advantage, and the disadvantage of the enemy, in time of 
war. Good roads will facilitate the transportation of the mad, and 
thereby proitiote the purposes of commerce and political intelligerjce 
among the people, '^riiey will, by being properly directed to these ob- 
jects, enhance the value of our vacant lands — a treasure of vast resource 
lo our nation. To the appropriation of ihe public money to improve- 
menls having these objects in view, and carried to a certain extent, I do 
not see any well-founded constitutional objection." 

Then afier adverting lo several important matters in which Congress 
have a discretion no less wide, than that for which he is contending, as lo 
the appropiiaiion of the public fimds, he continues: "To the objection 
that the United Stales have no power in any instance which is not com- 
plete for all the pui poses to which it may be made instrumental, and, in 
consequence, ihat they have no right to appropriate any poition of the 
public money to internal impiovements, because tliey have not the right 
of jurisdiction and sovereignty over them when made, a full answer has, 
it is presumed, been alread\ given. It may, liowever, be proper to add, 
that if this ol)jection was well founded, it would not be confined to the 
simple case of Internal Improvements, but would apply to others of high 
importance;" several of which he proceeds to specify, and then enu- 
merates a goodly number of roads constructed by means of appropria- 
tions from the national treasury. 

Some distance fariher on, when taking a prospective view of the ex- 
pansion of our territory, he says: "At whatever point wo may stop, whe- 
ther it be al a single lange of Slates beyond the Mississippi, or by taking 
a greater scope, the advantage of such improvements is deemed of the 
highest importance. It is so on the j/resent scale. The fariher we gOy 
the greater will be the necessity for them.'''' 

We have not only taken a greater scope beyond the Mississippi, but 
the greatest; and were Mr. Monroe now living, what patriotic pride 
would he take in promoting a great national improvenient from the Mis- 
sissippi valley to the Pacific Ocean If He further declared, that " it can- 

* See the views contended for by Mr. Calhoun, in Jiis Report on the Memorial of the 
Mennphis Convention, in 184G. 

f " It is our policy to encourage every practicable route across the li^lhmus, which 
connects North and South America, either by railroad or canal, which the energy and 
enterprise of our ciiizcns may induce them to complete; and 1 consider it obligatoiy 
upon me to adopt that policy, especially in consequence of the absolute necessity of fa- 
cilitating intercourse with our possessions on the Pacific." 

"The great mineral wealth of California, and the advantages which its ports and 
harbors, and those of Oregon, afford to commerce, especially with the Islands of the 
Pacific and Indian oceans, and tiie populous regions of Eastern Asia, make it certain 



44 

not be doubted tbat itpprovements for great national pnrpoies would be 
better in;u!e by ibe rmiionnl government, tfian by ibe governments of tbe 
several States." And be again urges tbe propriety of an amendment to 
the Constitution, conferring upon Congress the powei to cairy out a gen- 
eral improvement system. 

Mr. Monroe's opinions as to tbe extent of tbe power of Congress to 
make appropriations to works of internal improvement witbin tbe Slates 
seem to bave undergone, after the most mature leconsideration, a cbange 
and enlargement ; so that be believed ibat Congiess bave, in making 
such appropriations, "a discretionary power, restricted only by the du:y 
lo appropriate tbe money to purposes of common defence, and of gen- 
eral, not local, — national, not Stale benefit." — See Jacksoii's Maijsville 
Road Veto Message. 

From this time forward many and extensive plans of improvement 
were entertained, numerous surveys ordered and conducted by govern- 
ment engineers, and large appropriations made from tiie Treasury.* Tbe 
whole country, even at remote points, was to be connected and accom- 
modated by roads and canals. 

It is by no nie;ms necessary to sliow that General Taylor coincides on 
Ibis vexed and diflicult subject with Mr. Monroe, or General Jackson. 
Surely be need not go any farther practically than either they, or even 
Mr. Van Buren or Mr. Polk did, to satisfy the friends of internal im- 
provement; and as surely the opponents of internal improvements have 

that theie will arise in a few years, large and prosperous comnaunities on our western 
coast. It, therefore, becomes important that a line of communieation, the best and 
most expeditious which the nature of the country will admit, should be opened, within 
the tenitory of the United States, from the navinable waters of the Atlantic or the 
Gulf of Mexico, to the Pacific. Opinion, as elicited and expressed by two large and 
respectable Conventions, lately assembled at St. Louis and INIemphis, points to a railroad 
as that which, if practicable, will best meet the wishes and wants of the country. But 
while this, if in successful operation, would be a work of great national importance, 
and of a value to the country which it would be difficult to estimate, it ought also to be 
regarded as an umlertaking of vast magnitude and expense, and one which mu.st, if it 
be indeed practicable, encounter many difficulties in its construction and use. There- 
fore, to avoid failure and disappointment , to enable Congress to judge whether, in the 
condition of the country through which it must jiass, the work be feasible, and if it be 
found so, whether it sliould ije undertaken as a national improvement, or left to individ- 
ual enterprise; and in the latter alternative, what aid, if any, ought to be extended to 
it it by the Government, I recommend as a preliminary measure, a caieful reconnois- 
ance of the several proposed routes by a scientific corps, and a leport as to the practica- 
bility of making such a load, witli an estimate of the cost of its construction and sup- 
port. 

" For further views on these and other matters connected with the duties of the 
Home Department, I refer you to the report of the Secretary of the Interior.'" — Gene- 
ral Taylor's Message. 

*The above was written before General Taylor's inessage was published. In that, 
willing to carry out the plans of i/nmcdiate predecessors, he says: — " I recommend 
early appropriations for continuing the rivet and harbor improveiTienls which have been 
already begun, ami also for the consliuciion of those for which estimates have been 
made, as well as for examinations and estimates preparatory to the cominencement of 
such otliers as the wants of ilie country, and especially the advance of our population 
over new districts, and the extension of commerce, may render necessary. An estimate 
of tiie amount which can be advantageously expended within the next fiscal year, under 
the direction of the Bureau of Topographical Engineers, accompanies the report of the 
Secretary of War, to which I respectfully invite the attention of Congress." 



45 

no more (o fenr from him than ihc Presidenis in whom they have re- 
cently so in)plicitly confided. By appropriations to much needed and 
much needing works of great nationality, tnade npon the principles of 
Monroe or Jackson; Adams, Van Biiren or Polk; Clay or Calhoun; 
Cass or Benton, Gen. Taylor could easily exhaust more resources than 
the government are likely to have during his administration. So far as 
Internal Improvements are concerned, all parties can as well unite upon 
General Taylor as any other Democratic Republican President this 
country lias ever had. 

IV.— FOREIGN RELATIONS. 

The recent course of our foreign relations, and our extensive acquisi- 
tions of new teiiitoiy, have given rise to frequent references to the policy 
and declarations of Mr. Monroe; and, like most good things when ap- 
plied to mere parly purposes, they have been perverted and n\isconceived. 
Mr. Monroe's views of our foreign relations were, for the most part, emi- 
nently national and patriotic, whilst they were at the same lime charac- 
teiized by a spirit of justice, conciliation and harmony. Without going 
back to his conduct in his mi.^sion to France, let us begin with his views 
ns expressed whilst he was President, when he was in a situation the 
better to feel and appreciate the difficult duties of that august and ele- 
vated position towards the high powers of other governments. 

Much use has been made by many of a general declaration of Mr. 
Monroe, "that the American continents are henceforth not to be consid- 
ered as subjects for future colonization by any European powers;" from 
which our "duty is inferred to keep North and South America in order 
ar)d from the clutches of other nations. Now, without making any far- 
ther allusions which may appear invidious, lei us endeavor to get at the 
real sentiments of Mr. Monroe on our international affairs; and by trac- 
ing, somewhat in order, the course of events and the expression of his 
sentiments, we will be better able to understand what he meant by the 
declaration already quoted. 

In his first inaugural are the following just and comprehensive views: 
"We must support our rights or lose our character, and with it perhaps 
our liberties. A people who fail to do it can scarcely be said to hold a 
place among independent nations. National honor is national properly 
of the highest value. The sentiment in the mind of every citizen is 
national strength. It ought, therefore, to be cherished." 

This is firm and patriotic, and yet there is neither threat nor braggadocio 
in a single line of the address. In another passage he says: " It is par- 
ticularly gratifying lo me (o enter on the discharge of lliese duties at a 
time when the United States are blessed with peace. It is a state most 
consistent with their prosperity and happitiess. It will be my sincere 
desire to puisne it, so far as depends on the Executive, on just principles, 
with all nations, claiming nothing ifiat is unreasonable of any, and ren- 
dering to each what is its due." Such are the sentiments of Gen. Taylor, 
repeatedly expressed. 

Mr. Monroe's administration was not without its foreign questions, in- 
volving no little difficnliy. Yet no fear of being charged with timidity 
made him swerve from the most magnanimous forbearance; no fear of 



46 

being thought "afraid of the British lion's growl" made him relax his 
eflfoits to adjust every giound of controversy in a spirit of conciliation and 
peace; no sympathy with sufTering htmianiiy, struggling for its rights 
and liberties, (and no one felt such sympailiy more strongly than he,)* 
ever induced him to peruiit or connive at a violation of the lights and 
duties of neutrality. 

If Spain gave just occasion for discord, it was not embraced. Hear 
wliai he says iti his third annual message, (lo which we pass at once,) 
when Spain had refused lo ratify the treaty formed with her agents: "By 
this proceeding Spain has formed a relation between the two countries 
which will justify any measures on the part of the United States, which 
a strong sense of injury and a pioper regard for the rights and interests 
of the nation may dictate." * * * "Our national honor must be 
maintained, and a new and distinguished proof be afforded of that jus- 
lice and moderation which have invariably governed the councils of this 
free people." The course of Spain had opened " an ample field of am- 
bition" to us. " But such a career is not consistent with the jninciples 
of our government, nor the interests of the nation." 

His Catholic Majesty proposed to send a minister to the United States 
lo ask and to give explanations in reference to the treaty. Did Mr. Mon- 
roe fire up at this delay, and proceed to seize and occupy Spanish terri- 
tory? He did no such thing, though territory had been ceded to us by 
the treaty which ought to have beeti long ago latified. "This," con- 
tinues he, " is a case which forms a strong appeal to the candor, the mag- 
nanimity and honor of this people. Much is due to courtesy between 
nations. By a short delay we shall lose nothing; for resting on the 
giouni-l of iiumutable truth and justice, we cannot be diverted from our 
purpose. In any event, the delay for the purpose mentioned being a 
fuilher manifestation of the sincere desire to leriuinate, in the most 
friendly manner, all differences with Spain, cannot fail to bedtily appre- 
ciated by his Catholic Majesty as well as by other powers." What effect 
a similar course towards the late colonies of Spain would have had upon 
a war in which Gen. l\iylor has won h.is brightest laurels and the presi- 
dency of his country, it would be out of place here lo enquire. A civil 
war was then existing between Spain and her provinces in this hemis- 
phere; and did Mr. Monroe ituerf^re upon the grounds set forth in his 
general declaration about future FMiropean colonization in America? 

* How does Gen. 'Taylor regard tlie noble struggle of the Hungarians? Tn his mes- 
sage he thus feelingly reters to it: — 

" I have sciupulously avoided any interference in the wars and contentions which 
liave recently distracted Europe. 

"During the hile conflict between Austria and Hungary, there seemed to be a pros- 
pect that the latter might become an independent nation. However faint that prospect 
at the lime appealed, 1 thought it my duty, in accordance with the general sentiment of 
the American people, who deeply sympathize with llie Magyar patriots, to stand pre- 
paied, upon the contingency of the establishment by her of a permanent government, to 
he the first to welcome independent Hungary into the family of nations. For this pur- 
pose, I invested an agent, then in Europe, with power lo declare our willingness 
promptly to recognise her independence, in the event of her ability to sustain it. The 
])owert"ul intervention of Russia, in the contest, extinguished the hopes of llie strug- 
gling Magyais. The United States did not at any time interfere in the contest: but the 
feelings of the nation were sliongly enlisted in the cause, and by the sufferings of a 
brave people, who liad made a gallant though unsuccessful effoit lo be free." 



47 

No; " I lie greatest care was taken to enforce llie laws, intended to pre- 
serve an iinpariial neiiirality." "A virtuous people," said he, '< may 
nntl will confine themselves wiihin the limits of a strict neutrality; huL 
it is not in their power to behold a conflict so vitally important to their 
neighbor* without the sensibility and sympathy which naturally belong 
to such a case." He deemed it "of the highest importance to our na- 
tional character, and indispensable to the morality of our citizens, that 
all violations of our neutrality should be p?'eve7itcd ;^^ and no door even 
left open for the evasion of oim' laws, which he calls upon Congress to 
revise and make more stringent on the subject. And yet as to his genu- 
ine sympathy* with men siruggling to be free, see also with what feel- 
ings he adverts to the efforts of the noble (Greeks to asset t and rnainlain 
their i idependence. 

Towards Fratice and Great IJritain he manifested a spirit of atniiy and 
conciliation, which he deemed it "no less the inclination than the policy 
of the United Slates to pursue in their intercourse with other powers." 
By the course thus pursued, all matters of controversy were successfully 
arranged; and one reason why the administration of this Republican 
President is not more applauded and commented on, is because of its 
very peacefulness and prosperity to the country. Parlies al home were 
united, and nations abroad conciliated. 

In his second inaugural address, and subsequent messages, many of 
his sentiments already quoted were eniphaiically reiterated; and the .same 
neutrality enforced, even after he thought that Spair) should acknowledge 
ihe independence of her colonies, as the United States had done, and 
endeavored by " friendly counsel " to induce Spain to do. Even as to 
violations of our rights, w hich might proceed from the unsettled and be- 
ligerenl state of Euiope, he expressly says, " it will be incumbent to seek 
redress in a spirit of amiiy, in full confidence that injuring none, none 
would knowingly injure us." 

With these views to guide us, we have a clue to the true interpretation 
of the declaration made by Mr. Monroe in his seventh annual message — 
a declaration that has been severed both from its context and its immedi- 
ate accompaniments, and used as if Mr. iMonioe had thrown it in a spit- 
fire, braggadocio siyle, (ihai eeems now to be regarded by .-onie as the 
true diplomatic,) inio the teeth of the " British lion." Here is the w'hole 
passage, from the terms of which it will be seen that it had refeteirce to 

* As American freemen, wc cannot but sympathize in all efforts to extend the bless- 
ings of civil and i)oliiical libcrly; but al tiie same rime we are warned by the admoni- 
tions of history and the voice ol" our own beloved Washington, to abstain from entang- 
ling alliances with foreign nations. In all disputes between conllicting goverimicnts, it 
is our interest, not less than our duty, to remain strictly neutral, while our geographical 
position, the genius of our institutions and our people, the advancing spirit of civiliza- 
tion, and, above all, the dictates of religion, direct us to the cultivation of peaceful and 
friendly relations with all other junvers. It is to be hoped that no iuteniational ques- 
tions can now arise, which a goverrmient, confident in its own strength, resolved to 
protect its own just rights, may not settle by wise negotiation; and it eminently be- 
comes a goverment like out own, founded on the morality and iiiielligence of its citi- 
zens, and upheld by their affections, to exhaust every resoit of honorable diplomacy 
before appealing to arms. In the conduct of out foreign relations I shall conform to 
the.^e views, as I believe them esscniial to the best interesti: and the true honor of the 
country. — Gen. Taylor's Inaugvral Addrefs. 



48 

Russiii more than lo Great Britain;* and our relations with Russia were 
then 50 friendly, ihul her Emperor had been selected as the umpire be- 
tween us and England, to ^djudge our dispute about the proper con- 
struction of the first article of the treaty of Ghent. 

In his seventh annual message, (December 2nd, 1823,) Mr. Monroe 
informs Congress: "At the proposal of the Russian government, a full 
power and instructions have been transmitted to the minister of the 
United Slates at St. Petersburg, to arrange by amicable negotiation the 
respective rights and interests of the two nations on the North-west coast 
of this continent. A similar proposal has been made by his imperial 
majesty to the government of Great Britain, which has been likewise 
acceded to. The Government of the United States has been desirous, 
by this ftiendly proceeding, of manifesting the great value which they 
have invariably attached to the friendship of the Emperor, and their so- 
licitude to cultivate the best understanding with his government. In the 
discussions to which this interest has given rise, and in the arrangements 
by which they may terminate, the occasion has been judged proper for 
asserting, as a principle in which the rights and interests of the United 
States are involved, iliat the American Continents, by the free and inde- 
pendent condition wkick they have assmned and 7naintain, are hence- 
forth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any Eu- 
ropean powers." f 

* In fact it had reference to neither, as the proprietor cf colonies on this continent. 
As lo Great Britain, she was to be our friend and ally in the cause for which the de- 
claration of Mr. Monroe was intended. Mr. Monioe advised with Mr. Jefferson on this 
" momentous question," and j\h\ Jefferson, in earnestly advisinij him to accept the piof- 
fered friendship of Gieat Britain, made, in subslance, the very declaration which about 
one month afterwards Mr. IMonroe inserted in his message. 

In a letter to the President, dated October 24th, 1823, Mr. Jefferson says: — "With 
Great Britain withdrawn from their scale and shifted into that of our two continents, 
all P]urope combined would not undertake such a war. * * * Nor is the occasion 
to be slighted whicli this proposition offeis, of declaring our protest against the atro- 
cious violations of the rights of nations, by the interfeience of any one in the affans of 
anothei, so flagitiously begun by Buonaparte, and now continued by the equally lawless 
Alliance, calling itself Holy.'" — Mr. Jffftrson's Correspondence, Vol. IV, p. 382. 

See farther the following note. 

f Before making this declaration, Mr. Monroe had been in correspondence with Mr. 
Jefferson on this subject. This appears from two letters of Mr. Jefferson to the Presi- 
dent. In the first, dated June lllh, 1823, Mr. Jefferson says, "The matter which now 
embroils Europe, the presumption ot dictating to an independent nation the form of its 
government, is so arrogant, so atrocious, that indignation, as well as moral sentiment, 
enlists all our partialities and prayeis in favor of one, and our equal e.xecrations against 
the other. I do not know, indeed, whether all nations do not owe lo one another a bold 
and open declaration of their sympathies with one party, and their detestation of the con- 
duct of the other. But farther than this we arc not hound to go ; and, indeed, for the 
sake of the loorld, we ought not to increase the jeahiusics, or draiv on ovrschrs the poivcr 
of this formidable confederacy. * * * With Europe we have few occasions of col- 
lision ; and these, with a little prudence and forbearance, may be generally accommo- 
dated. * * The foothold which the nations of Europe had in eitiier Araciica is slip- 
ping from under tiiem, so that wc shall .soon be lid of their neighborhood . * * * 
While no duty, therefore, calls on us to lake part in the present war of Europe, and a 
golden harvest offers itself in reward for doing nothing, peace and neutrality seem lo be 
our duty and interest." He recommends as much partiality to Spain as practicable 
without giving offence to other nations, and the strongest friendly assurances to her, 
^^especialhj against all apprehension of our intcrnuddling in the (juarrel with her colo- 
nies.^^ Al this very time, too, Mr. Jefferson believed thatCuba would be an invaluable 



49 

If this principle liaLJ been then asserted in the spirit and with the inter- 
pretation that some have since given it, it would have been regarded as 
anything but a " friendly proceeding." It was intended only as a very- 
strong reiteration of what Mr. Monroe had previously nllercd as to the 
rights of the North and South American Republics, that iiad, in his opin- 
ion, fully maintained tlieir natioi al intlependence ; and whilst adjusting 
the rights and interests of Great Britain and Russia in reference to tiieir 
American possessions, he exi(Muled his sympathy and friendly aid in be- 
half of the infant An)erican Republics. Hoth for them and fur us, whose 
example and institutions they were cndeavoritig to follow, he very nattj- 
rally felt a desire to secure to them ''the free and independent condition 
which they had assumed." So far as anything farther than this was in- 
tended, it was incidental to this main object, and sprang from tlie princi- 
ples which were then jiiomulgated by the ''■holy alliance!^^ in Eurojte. 

In his same seveiith message, Mr. Monroe says, "In wars of the Eu- 
ropean powers in matters relating to themselves, we have never taken 
any part, nor does it comport with our policy to do so. # # * With 
the movements m this hemisphere we are of necessity more intimately 
connected, and by causes which must be obvious (o all enlightened ob- 
servers. * * * We owe it, therefore, to candor and to liie amicable 
relations existing between the U. Slates and those poweis [ihe allied], to 
declaie that we should consider any attempt on their part to extend their 
system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and 
safety. With the existing colonies or dependencies of any European 
powers we have not interfered and shall not interfere. But with the 
Governments who have declared their independence and msintained it, 
and whose independence we have, on great consideration atid on just 
principles, acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for op- 
pressing them, or controlling in any other manner their destiny, by any 
European power, in any other light than as the manifestation of an un- 
friendly disposition towards the United States. In the war between those 
new governments and Spain, we declared our neutrality at the time of 
their recognition, and to this we have adhered and shall continue to ad- 
here, provided no change shall occur, which in the judgment of the corn- 
acquisition to us, and was fearful that Great Britain might seize it. " But," says ho, 
" should she take it I would not immediately go to war for it." 

In his second letter, dated October 24th, 1823, Mr. Jefferson writes, "The question 
presented by the letters which you have sent me is the most momentous which has ever 
been offered to my contemplation since that of independence. * * Our first and fun- 
damental maxim should be never to entangle ourselves in the broils of Europe. Our 
second, never to suffer Europe to intermeddle with Cis-Atlantic alfairs. Ameiica, 
North and South, has a set of interests distinct from those of Europe, and peculiarly 
her own. She should, therefore, have a system of her own, separate and apart from 
that of Europe. Whilst the last is laboring to become the domicile of despotism, our 
endeavor should surely be to make our hemisplieic that of freedom. One nation, most 
of all, could disturb us in this puisuit: she now offers to lead, aid and accompany us in 
it. By acceding to her proposition, we detach her from the band of despots, bring her 
mighty weight into the scale of free government, and emancipate a continent at one 
stroke which might otherwise linger long in doubt and dilRculty. Great Britain can do 
us the most harm of any one, or of all the nations on earth ; and with her on our side 
we need not fear the whole world. With her, then, we should most sedulously cherish 
a cordial friendship." — Memoir, Correspondence, djc, of Mr. JcJ)\rson, IV, 366, 381. 

See also foregoing note, p. 48. 

•7 



50 

peteiit authorities of this government, shall make a corresponding chan"-e 
on the part of the United Stales indispensable to their secmiiy." 

Mr. Monioe's declaration, then, against future colonization'in America 
seems to be directed against the propagandism of the holy alliance by 
which the new independent governnienis on this Continent might have 
been op|iressed, or had iheir destiny contiolled;* but even then, he refers 
everything to the competent authorities of this government. 

There is a policy of non-inierference united with a determined resist- 
ance to all improper interference; and this policy is just: It was the pol- 
icy of Washington and Monroe. There is a policy of resistance to all 
improper interference, associated with a spirit of interference more or less, 
by way of pieveniion at least; and this policy is unjust; and it is a ten- 
dency to this policy which some have sought unfairly to sustain by ap- 
pealing to the mild, firm, equitable and just priticiples avowed and prac- 
tised by Mi. Monroe. There may be a sj)irit of Republican propagan- 
dism as obnoxious to monarchical governinents, as theirs to us; though 
the diffusion of republican principles, when a nation is prepared for them, 
is a boon to mruikind. Yet many nations are not prepared to enjoy 
them; and from llie force of education and the visinerticB of minds im- 
enligiitened as to the blessings of freedom, many piefer the burdens and 
privations of absolutism, or the qualified and restricted freedom of limited 
monarchies. The only kind of piopagandism that can be tolerated un- 
der such a slate of things, such a variety of situation, sentiment and other 
circumstances, is that of the pious missionary of religion, whose mission 
is in nowise connected with politics, save so far as the fruits of true reli- 
gion arc associated with the amelioration of man's condition generally. 
Even the holy alliance may say, that it was acting upon the principle of 
self-preservation. French principles, which at first seemed to spring from 
a love of liberty, degenerated into anarchy and confusion ; and govern- 
ments around, iiembling for their own security, might say that they had 
the same rights and duties in reference to the affairs on the continent of 
Europe, that Mr. Monroe claimed on this continent, for the U. Stales. 

But wlierr, some years afterwards, an effort was made to commit our 
government lo a course that would have been sanctioned by ihe lalitudi- 
nous construction which has been placed by some upon Mr. Monroe's 
declaration, it was successfully resisted ; f and that, too, by those with 
whom that party, (if there be really any division o{ parties on this sub- 
ject.) who now give to Mr. Monroe's views the most extensive application 
as to resistance to European irjfluences on this continent, claim to be affil- 
iated. Thus parties change and turn, and seem all unconscious of any 
inconsistency. 

* In his message, Gen. Taylor, leferring to Chili, &c., says : " It is desirable, there- 
fore, that this Government should do everything in its power to foster and strengthen 
its relations with those States, and that the spirit of amity between us should be mutual 
and cordial. 

" I recommend the observance of the same course towards all other American States. 
The United States stand as the great American power to which, as iheir natural ally 
and friend, they will always be disposed, first, to look for mediation and assistance, in 
the event of any collision between ihem and any European nation. As such, we may 
often kindly mediate in their behalf, williout entangling ourselves in foreign wars or 
unnecessary controversies. Whenever the faith of our treaties with any of them shall 
require our interference, we must necessarily interpose." 

f See the proceedings and documents in relation to the Panama Congress. 



51 

The foregoing views of Mr. Monroe, in regard to the inieifercnce of 
the iiHiecl powers on this continent, were pursued slill further in his 
sevenlli message, and recurred to in his eiglith. They were so presented 
to those poweis for whom iliey were intended, ilmi he announced to 
Congress, that it was "gratifying to know that some of the powers with 
whom we enjoy a very friendly intercomse and to whom these views 
have heen cummunicated, have appeared to acquiesce in them." In- 
deed, the alhed powers liad enough to do at Iiome; and wouhl have heen 
compelled, even had tliey intended to act diflerenily, to confine their op- 
eraiions to tlieir own theatre. 

It is veiy evident, (hen, that in his foreign policy Mr. Monroe was firm, 
without being at all bellicose; mild and conciliatory, without being at 
all submissive; forbearing and comteous, without the fear of being 
deemed timid; magnanimous to the weak, unyielding to all; quietly 
awaiting the result of protracted negotiations, yet persevering in pursuit 
of our rights, and ready when occasion required to vindicate the national 
honor; national, yet unselfish, just and impartial. 

From GeneralTnylor's long training in the service of his country, his 
whole country* from his known character and avowed principles, we 
may feel the greatest confidence that his foreign policy will be founded 
upon the best views of WASiimcTON, Jefferson, Madison and Monroe, 
adapted with skill and ability to every new interest and circumstance of 
our gieat Republican Empire. 

V. DISTRIBUTION OF THE PROCEEDS OF SALES OF PUBLIC LANDS. 

In its origin this was not a parly question ; and when parties shall have 
been induced to unite once moi'e, this measure will resume its former 
general aspect and be adopted, or rejected, upon enlarged and patiioiic 
grounds. 

It has been opposed by many, — especially in the South,- -who deny to 
the General Government any power to restrict the rights and privileges of 
any portion of our citizens, in the full, equal enjoyment of our territorial 
acquisitions. But the moment that anyone succeeds in convincing him- 
self that each and all of the Stales, with their existing domestic institii- 
tions, are entitled to an equal participation in and emigration to the terri- 
tories of the Union, — the acquisitions of our common blood at)d common 
treasure, — that moment should he demonstrate to himself and others the 
justice and constitutionality of distributing the proceeds of sales of the 
public lands. If such as he contends, and I iiave no disposition to dis- 
pute with him about it, be (he rights of the States and their people in re- 
gard to the territories as public landed property, directly similar must be 
their rights in regard to the money for which that property may be sold. 
They C'lnnol enter upon and occupy the funds proceeding from the sale 
of the lands, either with or without slaveiy; but the funds can be handed 

*" Chosen by the body of tlie people, under the assurance that my administration 
would be devoted to the welfare of tlie whole country, and not to the support of any 
particular section oi merely local interest, I this day renew the declarations 1 have here- 
tofore made, and proclaim my fixed determination to maintain, to the full extent of my 
ability, the Government in its orisinal purity, and to adopt as the basis of my public 
policy, those great Republican doctrines which constitute the strength of our national 
existence."' — General Taylor's Inaugural Address. 



52 

over to iheai ; and if not required b}' ihe General Government, and espe- 
cially if the General Governtneni be denied the right to use them for the 
benefit of the States for fear of violating their reserved rights and tres- 
passing on their jurisdiction, those funds ought to be distributed equitably 
among them. 

During Mr. Monroe's administration, the existence of the national debt 
prevented the adoption or proposal of any measure like distribution; btil 
from his known principles ami policy,* there can be little doubt that he 
would have deemed it a highly appropriate mode of enabling the States 
to improve, by the use of means so justly their own, their condition in 
regard to education and other internal improvements. 

The national debt was paid off during General Jackson's administra- 
tion, but the real credit was due to Mr. Monroe's, which provided the 
policy that led to its exiinction. What was then done with the surplus 
revenues of the General Govemmeni, a large poiiion of which necessa- 
rily arose from the sales of the public lands? 

In his very first annual message, he says: — 

''After the exiinction of the publir, debt, it is not probable that any ad- 
justment of the Tariff, upon principles satisfactory to the people of the 
Union, will until a remote period, if ever, leave the government without 
a considerable surplus in the treasury, beyond what may be required for 
its current service. As, then, the period approaches when the application 
of the revenue to the payment of debt will cease, the distribution of the 
surplus will present a serious subject for the deliberation of Congress." 

And in view of (lie doubts, difficulties and excitements, which had 
prevailed on the subject of internal itriprovements by the general govern- 
ment, he deemed it fortunate for the country that this important ques- 
tion was still open for decision. 

He then pioceeds: "To avoid these evils, it appears to me that the 
most safe, just and federal di--position, which could be made of this sur- 
plus revenue, would be its apportionment among the several Stales, ac- 
cording to their ratio of representation, and should it not be found war- 
ranted by the Constitution, that it would be expedient to propose lo the 
Slates an amendment authorizing it." 

In his second annual message, he goes into the subject at great length 
and with greater earnestness. So that instead of making any extract, 
several pages of that message may be referred lo. 

By act of Congress, millions of surplus revenue were, in the shape of 
a loan, or deposit, distributed among the States. The financial afTairs of 
the country passed through a most trying and grinding crisis ; and to- 
wards the close of his eight years, General Jackson, it is true, modified 
his opinions, so as to oppose as far as possibh;, any accumulation of sur- 
plus revenue; but should there be any such surplus, he still declared, 
that "for it to remain in the treasury unemployed, was utterly impracti- 
cable." — [Sec eighth Annual Message.'] 

But have we no other sanction lo the general principle of distribution, 
than that of General Jackson? 

Mr. Jefferson, in his second inaugural address, says: "The redemp- 

* See extract from l\Ir. Monroe's 8lh message, on the next page. 



53 

lion of (lie public debts once eflccled, the revenue (hereby liberated, may 
by a just re-parlition among the States, and a corresponding amend- 
tnenl of the (Jonslitniion, be applied (o rivers, canals, roads, arts, tnanu- 
factutcs, education, and other great objects within each Stale." 

In his sixth annual message, Mr. Jefferson recurs to the subject, and 
gives us the following strong combined authority on the subject of Dis- 
tribution, Tariff' and^ Internal Improvement: "Shall we suppress," he 
asks Congress, "the impost, and give that advaritage to foreign over do- 
mestic manufactures? On a few articles of more general and necessary 
use, the suppression, in due season, will doubtless be right; but the great 
mass of the articles on which the impost is paid, are foreign luxuries, 
purchased by those only who are rich enough to afford themselves the 
use of them. Their patriotism would certainly prefer its continuance 
and application 'to the great purposes of the public education, roads, 
rivers, canals, and such other objects of public improvement, as it may be 
thought proper to add to the constitutional enumeration of federal pow- 
ers.'' 

So highly did ;\Ir. Jefferson approve the general principle of distribu- 
tion, that unlike Gen. Jackson, he seems even to have been unwilling to 
reduce the surplus revenue. In his eighth and last message to Congress, 
he says: — 

"Shall it lie unproductive in the public vaults? Shall i!ie revenue be 
reduced? Shall it not rather be appropriated to the imfjrovemeni of riv- 
ers, loads, canals, education, and other great foundations of prosperity 
and imion, wider the poiners which Congress may already possess, or 
such amendment of the Constitution as may be appioved by the Stales?" 

When Mr. Monroe had a surplus revenue, he recommended the repeal 
of the internal taxes, which a second war with England had m the mean- 
time rendered necessary. This was in his first annual message. Hav- 
ing so piovidcd for the public debt that it would be rapidly paid off, he in 
his last annual message (the eighth) says: — 

" Should no unexpected event occur, the whole of the public debt may 
be discharged in the course of ten years; and the government be left at 
liberty thereafter, to apply such portion of the revenue as may not be ne- 
cessary for cirrreut expenses, to such other objects as may be most condu- 
cive to the public security and welfare. That ihe sums applicable to 
these objects will be very considerable, may be fairly concluded." No 
reduction is here conteruplated. 

Besides these sanctions, the authors and chief friends of ihe distribu- 
tion of the proceeds arising from the public lands, were as good Republi- 
cans as any who have opposed it. As to its expediency, that may be 
very properly left to Congress — under the declar-ation both of General 
Jackson and General Taylor, as to the duty of yielding to the voice of a 
majority of the people constitutionally uttered.* 

* " But it is for the wisdom of Congress itself, in which all leTislative powers are 
vested by the Constitution, to regulate these and other matters of domestic poHcy. I 
shall look with confidence to the enlightened patriotism of that body to adopt such 
measures of concihation as may harmonize conflicting interests, and tend to perpetuate 
that Union which should be the paramount object of our hopes and afiections. In any 



54 

This question, liowever, is not now tx practical one, and is not likely to 
become sucli, during General Taylor's adniinislrniion. Il may he added, 
however, that those who desire to lediice the revenue down to tlie annual 
necessities of an economiciil government, can hesl do so by eliminating 
from ilie revenue an element so uncertain and fluctuating as the amount 
of sales of the public lands. This element, too, must one day cease, or 
be greatly chniinished ; and it may be the part of a wise foresight, to pio- 
duce in the popular mind a reliance only on those sources of govern- 
mental support which are ordinary and permanent. 

But let it be repeated, that it may be the better remembered, that Dis- 
tribution can hardly be a practical question during General Taylor's 
term of service, though he be re-elected to the Presidency. He wotild, 
no doubt, leave such a subject, as he ought, to the unfettered action of 
the people of the Slates, through their chosen and trusted representatives 
in Congress assembled.* 

There is another kind of distribution, more interesting and exciting to 
a great many than the foregoing. 1 mean 

VI.— THE DISTKIBUTION OF PUBLIC OFTICES.t 

Many of those most clamorous on this subject, have very little real te- 
nacity for the Constitution; anil in the language of land-law, "after 
office fotmd," or office retained, they would |)ermit the Adminisliation to 
do pretty much as it pleased with the Constitution. 

The office-holders bear a very small proportion to the body of the peo- 
ple whom they serve, and the great mass of the people leally care very 
little about the insincere and petulant complaints made against pretended 
proscription. There may be proscription; and every honest mind and 
heart will condemn it; but the people don't so regard every lemoval or 

action calculated to promote an object so near the heart of every one who truly loves 
his country, I will zealously unite with the co-ordinate branches of the Government." 

[ Gen. Taylor's Inaugural Address. 

•"The check provided by the Constitution, in the clause conferring the qualified 
veto, will never be exercised by me, except in the cases contemplated by the fathers of 
the Republic. I view it as an extreme measure, to be resorted to only in extraordinary 
cases, as where it may become necessaiy to defend the Executive against the encroach- 
ments of the legislative power, or to prevent hasty and inconsiderate, or unconstitutional 
legislation. By cautiously confining this remedy within the sphere prescribed to it in 
the cotemporaneous expositions of the framers of ihe Constitution, the will of the peo- 
ple legitimately expressed on all subjects of legislation, through their constitutional or- 
gans, the Senators and Representatives of the United States, will have its full effect. 
As indispensable to the preservation of our system of self-government, the independ- 
ence of the Representatives of the States and the people is guarantied by the Constitu- 
tion, and they owe no responsibility to any human powei but tiieir constituents. By 
holding the Representative responsible only to tlio people, and exempting him from all 
other influence, we elevate the character of the constituent, and quicken his sense of le- 
sponsibility to his country. It is under these circumstances only that the elector can 
feel that in the choice of the law-makei, he is himself truly a ccmponent part of the 
sovereign power of the nation." — Gen. Taylor's Message. 

f " The appointing power vested in the President imposes delicate and onerous du- 
ties. So far as it is possible to be infoinied, I shall make honesty, capacity and fidelity, 
indispensable pre-requisites to the bestowal of office, and the absence of either of these 
qualities shall be deemed sufl^cient cause for removal.'' — Gen. Taylor's Inaugural Ad- 
dress. 



55 

change, because disconlentetl j)oliiicians, and political organs choose to 
siyle it so. 

The people concur with Mr. Jedorsou, who tlioughl that the adininis- 
italiou in power should have its full and just preponderance in the pub- 
lic uliices. Wiihoui tills, an adniinisiration cannot have a full and fair 
chance of developing and execuiing its policy. The people prefer a 
bold, fearless, independent exercise of a President's right of patronage. 
A slow hesitating course will tu)t j)lease tlieni, because it itulicaies a doubt 
in the minds and purposes of the j)owers that are in authority If individ- 
uals, or a parly, indicate doubts as to the pro[)rieiy of their own acts and 
doings, the people will view iheui with doidn increased to distrust. A 
bold announcement of one's determination, and a fearless adherencf; to 
it, excite respect that is easily raised to admiration and support. The 
people approved this in Gen. Jackson, whose administration went farther 
in making lemovals and changes in office, than any other; or perhaps, 
all others together. 

Gen. Taylor has shewn great deference and tolerance towards the party 
and the office-holders who opposed his election. Without appealing to 
the example of Gen. Jackson, his course in regard to public offices, were 
it to go much farther than there is the least likelihood of its going, could 
be easilv vindicated by the jirinciples and practice of two of the highest 
standards — Jefferson and Monroe. 

Mr. Jefferson declared his principles on this subject in several letters to 
distinguisheil correspondents ; and even ex officio, in his reply to the peo- 
ple of New Haven, who remonstrated against his removal of their col- 
lector, Goodrich. Neatly eveiy word of this reply might now be adopted 
and reiterated by Gen. Taylor, whose administration resembles, in Us re- 
lations to this exciting topic, more nearly that of Mr. Jefferson than any 
other. 

Leaving the reader to refer to the history of Mr. Jefferson's administra- 
tion, let us consider the independent and unfaltering declaration of Mr. 
Monroe's own views, touching appointments to office. 

Just after iMr. Momoe's election to the Presidency, Gen. Jackson wrote 
to him on the 12ih of November, 1S16, quite in the benignant spirit of 
a mediator between the victorious and the conquered party of the Union, 
shewing him how to "exterminate that monster Party Spirit." 

"Your happiness," said Iir, "and the nation's welfare, materially de- 
pend upon the selections which are to be made to fill the heads of de- 
partments. Every thing depends upon tire selection of your ministry. 
In every selection, party and party feelirrgs should be avoided. Now is 
the time to exterminate that monster called party spirit. By selecting 
characters most conspicuous for their probity, viriite, capacity and firm- 
ness, without any regard to party, you will go ftir to, if not entirely, eradi- 
cate those feelings which on former occasions, threw so many obstacles 
in the way of government ; and perhaps have ihe pleasure and /lOfior of 
uniting a people heretofore politically divided. Tlie chief magistrate of 
a great and powerful nation should never indulge in party feelings. His 
conduct should be libeial and disinterested, always bearing in mind, thai 
he acts for the whole, and not o. part of the community." 



56 

Some were, or pretericled to be, under ihe impression, from what they 
lerni Gen. Taylor's pledges, that he would pursue ihe course thus theo- 
leticylly, but not piaciically, recommended by Gen. Jackson; and some 
pel haps indulged the fond illusion, that under so "yea-nay" a candidate, 
ihey had a double chance for ihe j)ublic ofiiccs. They knew iheir own 
candidate would appoint only his uwn parly-men ; whereas Gen. Taylor 
might appoint botli Whigs and Demociais; — which, by the bye, he has 
done, in some cases at least, by permitting certain appointees to remain.'. 

But what course did ]Mr. Monroe take? He did have the "pleasure 
and honor of uniting a people hitherto politically divided;" but he did 
not follow Gen. Jackson's advice, though he cherislicd, nioie truly per- 
haps, the general objects which were recommended to him. 

In his reply, Mr. Monroe discusses the subject of parlies and appoint- 
ments at great length, and says: "My impression is that the administra- 
tion should rest strongly on the Republican party, indulging towards ihe 
oiher a spirit of moderation, and evincing a ilesire to discriminate be- 
tween its members and to bring them into the Republican fold as quietly 
as possible. Many men very distinguished for their talents are of opin- 
ion, that the existence of the Federal party is necessary to keep union 
and order in the Republican ranks: that is, that free governnrents cannot 
exist without parlies. This is not my opinion. The first object is to 
save ihe cause, which can be done only by those devoted to ii ; and, of 
course, by keeping them together; or, in oilier words, by not disgusting 
them by too hasty an act of liberality towards the other party. The se- 
cond is 10 prevent ihe re-organization and revival ot the F^'ederal party;" 
the great body of whom he deemed Republican. — And in the same way 
I herein maintain, that there is no reason in the world why the great 
body of the Whigs and of the Democrats should not now unite under 
one grand Democratic Replblican organization. 

Mr. Monroe continues: '-To accomplish both objects and thereby ex- 
terminate all party divisions in our country, and give new strength and 
Biabiliiy to our government, is a great unileriaking not easily executed. 
I am, neveiiheless, decidedly of opinion that it may be done. * * » 
I agree, I ihink, perfecti}' with you, in the grand object, that moderation 
should be shewn to the Federal party, and even a generous policy adopt- 
ed towards ii; the only difference between us seems to be, ho«v far shall 
that spirit be indulged in ihe outset," &c. 

He who is pledged to follow ihe example of the "Early Presidents," 
may noi eafely disregard that of Mr. Monroe on this subject. The great 
mass of the people will prefer a bold manly course in favor of his own 
party lo one which, however unjustly, may be charged with being timid, 
doubtful and vacillating. Mr. Monroe's firmnes^s w is no obstacle to an 
union of parties; nor will General Taylor's be. I plead never for pio- 
Ecripiion, nor anything germain lo ii; but only for the justice, inilepend- 
ence and rights avowed and maintained by Jefleison and JMonroe, both 
by precept and example. 

ANTI-DEMAGOGUEISM. 

In addition (o the striking proof already given of Mr. Monroe's free- 
dom from ihe spirit of ihe demagogue, there is another perhaps more 



51 

slrikinj^. The proof already given was his conduct in relation (o ihe 
draft of soldiers during tiie menacing period of our last war wiiii Eng- 
land, and his intended declension of a nomination for the Presidency.* 

That very war had made internal taxes necessary to raise adequate 
revenue. The recuperative powers of our gigantic counlty, however, soon 
enabled the government (o dispense with tliese taxes. But Mr. Monroe, 
without glorifying himself or Iiis adminislialion on that account, or seek- 
ing, demagogue-like, to make political capital out of it, look occasion in 
his fiist message to declare, that "to impose taxes when the public exi- 
gencies require them is an obligation of the most sacred character, espe- 
cially with a free people. * * To dispense with taxes when it nic.y 
be done with perfect safely is equally the duty of their representatives. 
* I have to add, that liowever gratifying it may be to me, regarding 

the happy and prosperous condition of our country, to reconmiend the 
repeal of these taxes at this lime, 1 shall nevertheless be attentive to 
events, and should any future emergency occur, be not less prompt to 
suggest such measures and burdens as may^ then be requisite and proper." 

1 do not remember anything that Gen. Taylor has done or said that 
smacks of the demagogue, though I have no dotd)t the generous old sol- 
dier loves his country as much, and thinks as highly of her people, and 
takes as comprehensive a view of their lights and liberties as freemen, f 
as any man whom they have ever elevated to power. His whole course 
during the presidential canvass was manly and resolute. In the true 
spirit of the noble sentiment, that "the presidency is a thing of honor 
neither to be sought nor declined." he made it almost come to him. He 
took few steps towards the prize^ though generally so tempting and so 
dazzling. 

THE UNION. 

The inlensest and most eloquent passages to be found in the writings 
of all our Presidents, — certainly of all the early ones, — are on the heart- 
stiriing theme of our Union. No matter how high parly spirit, and even 
somewhat sectional, thougliis of the Union filled their minds and warm- 
ed their souls with patriotic fire. But for the great length to which this 
appeal has already been drawn out, I would here collect testimonies in 
favor of the Union from the writings of all our Presidents. Let those 
from THE FIRST and from I he last suffice. 

No words could fully convey all that Washington felt and wished 
and hoped for his country, when he left her the rich legacy of his "fare- 
well" counsels. Of all these counsels, which is so true, or so precious, as 
the great leading one which he lays down with so much eloquence and 
continues to enforce with so much power? 

"The unity of government which constitutes you one people is also 
now dear to you. It is justly so. For it is a main pillar in the edifice 

* Supra, p. 76. 

f Sixty years have elapsed since the establishment of this government, and the Con- 
gress of the United States again assembles to legislate for an empire of freemen. The 
predictions of evil prophets, who formerly pretended to foretell the downfall of our in- 
stitutions, are now remembered only to be derided, and the United States of America, 
at this moment, present to the woild the most stable and permanent government on 
earth . — Gen . TayJor 's first m^smgp. 



58 

of your real independence, the support of your tranquiliiy at home, your 
peace abroad, of your safety, of your prosperity, of that very liberty 
whicli you so highly prize. But as it is easy to see that from different 
Cjuarteis and from different causes, much pains will be taken, many arti- 
lices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; — 
as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of 
internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively, 
(though often covertly and insidiously,) directed — it is of infinite moment 
that you pioperly estimate the immense value of your national Union to 
your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cor- 
dial, habitual and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves 
to think and to speak of it as tlie palladium of your political safety and 
prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety ; discoun- 
tenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event 
be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every 
attempt to alienate any portion of our country frou) the rest, oi to enfee- 
ble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts." 

Nor does he stop here, but most earnestly enforces the subject by ap- 
pealing to "every inducement of sympathy and inietesi." 

If the people for whom this patriotic Father felt so deep a solicitude 
still cherish the same reverence for his memory and wisdom that General 
Taylor does, they will adhere to him the more tenaciously for his deier- 
ininalion to preseive the Union. Gen. Taylor thus concludes his first 
message to Congress: — 

"But attachment to the Union of the States should be habitually fos- 
tered in every American heart. For more than half a century, during 
which kingdoms and empires have fallen, this Union has stood unshaken. 
The patriots who formed it have long since descended to the grave, yet 
still it remains, the proudest monimient to their memory, and the object 
of affection i\n(.\ admiration with every one worthy to bear the American 
name. In my judgment, its dissolution would be the greatest of calam- 
ities, and to aveit that should be the study of every American. Upon 
its preservation must depend our own happiness and that of countless 
generations to come. Whatever dangers n)ay threaten it, I shall stand 
by it and maintain it in its integrity, to the full extent of the obligations 
imposed, and the power conferred upon me by the Constitution." 

The writer of this appeal does not possess, nor covet, the spirit of an 
anathemaiiser; and if he did possess it, it would be his duty and his 
study to suppress it in an effort like that which he is now making, — 
humbly, yet zealously. But he does say, cursed be the sectional fanatic 
who can endanger the perpetuity of our glorious and hitherto happy 
Union, by agitating questions which his fathers, as patriotic, as wise and 
as humane as he, settled in a spirit of indispensable compromise, or left 
to slumber in peace and quiet for the sake of general love and harmony. 
And cursed be the misguided sectional partisan, if such there be, who 
had rather make such dangerous questions the instrument of eiribarrass- 
ing the administration, so as to increase the chance, of some potty part}'^ 
triumph, than to see ihcm amicably adjusted by mutiiLil forbearance and 



59 

conciliation, or wiihdiawn for selilemetil from the arena of political con- 
tention.* 

How should the words of Washington sink into the hearts of us all; 
and ever be thundered into the ears of sucli promoters of national dis- 
cord. Would that some native artist could erect his statue in the Capitol 
and make il vocal, not like that of Memnon with the syren tones of be- 
witching music, but with trumpet tones of remembrance and solemn 
warning: — so that every tmholy, unpatriotic thought, however silent, 
every breath, however low, that might tend to produce or promote dis- 
union, should make it utter his words, or ihrillingly exclaim, ''■ponder tfie 
farciodl counsels of your Washington." 

THE PRESERVATION OF THE UNION. 

Since the foregoing was written, the slavery question has assumed a 
more startling and alarming aspect; and not only are Congr'ess, but the 
entire nation, "in Commiuec of the Whole on the State of the Union." 
But this furnishes only additional reasons for an union of pai-lies "for 
the sake of the Union." It could easily be demonstrated, that party 
spirit has been mainly instrumental in producing the present unwhole- 
some and dangerous excitement on the subject of slavery, which has 
hitherto been liandled more for ihe purpo.^e of securing party triumphs 
than the just rights of the seciions vitally iiiter-esied in it. In the North, 
where the fanatics and real abolitionists have too often held the balance 
of power between the great parties, each has courted their favor in or-der 
to secure its own ascendency: This, despite the danger'ous tendency of 
their movements, has given them importance and encouraged their efforts. 
In the South, both parties, in their struggles for power, have trrade free 
use of this bomb-shell in their political warfare; and each has assailed 
the choseri candidates of the other for their alleged unsoundness and infi- 
delity to the South on this great issue. If either party corrld be as easily 
reconciled and satisfied towards the other as ihey have both frequently 
been towards the candidates whom they have wished to elevate to the 
highest offices, there would be comparatively little difficulty in bringing 

* No civil governnnent having been provided by Congress for California, the people of 
that Territory, impelled by the necessities of their political] condition, recently met in 
convention for the purpose of forming a Constitution and State government, which, the 
latest advices give me reason to suppose, has been accomplished ; and it is believed 
they will shortly apply for the admission of California into the Union as a sovereign 
Stale. Should such be the case, and should their Constitution be conformable to the 
requisitions of the United States, I recommend their application to the favorable con- 
sideration of Congress. 

The people of New Mexico will also, it is believed, at no very distant period, pre- 
sent themselves for admission into the Union. Preparatory to the admission of Califor- 
nia and New Mexico, the people of each will have instituted for themselves a republi- 
can form of government, " laying its foundations in .such principles, and organizing its 
powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happi- 
ness." 

By awaiting their action, all causes of uneasiness may be avoided, and confidence 
and kind feeling preserved. With a view of maintaining the harmony and tranquility 
so dear to all, we should abstain from the introduction of those exciting topics of a sec- 
tionnl character which have hitherto produced painful apprehensions in the public mind; 
and I repeat the solemn warning of the first and most illustrious of my predecessois 
against furnishing " any ground for characterizing parties by geographical discrimina- 
tions." — General Taylor^s message. 



60 

them together in harmony and love. At this time, the slavery queslioni 
which is that of the Union, furnishes the great inducement to, and the 
basis of, the re-union of parlies. On the principles of the compromise 
presented by Messrs. Bell, of Tennessee, and Webster, adopted by the 
administration, and espoused by the most eminent and patriotic leaders of 
both parties and of all geographical sections, (for even the unhallowed 
and fanatical Seward has an antidote in his noble senatorial colleague,) 
there can be, and ought to be, an union of the patriotic, the just, the 
wise and good, for the interest and glory of the country. 

It may be that some modifications of Messrs. Bell and Webster's plan 
will have to be made; and there is one which I would be glad to see 
made, if it could be done without jeoparding the main scheme. Whilst 
there is no good reason to believe that the administration have exercised 
any undue interference, far less any coercion, in the formation of the 
Constitution of California, and in the exclusion of slavery by that Con- 
stitution, yet the action of that people has been in some respects prema- 
ture. The justesl course, therefore, in the abstract, and the most con- 
sistent, too, with the main features of the great plan of compromise now 
before the Senate, would be to remand her to a territorial condition and 
authorize her to come into the Union in due time with the parallel of 
36° 30' for her Southern boundary, leaving to her an unfettered con- 
trol over the subject of slavery. But it is hoped that no one would 
insist upon this, or any similar minor consideration, if it would delay or 
prevent the pacific and permanent settlement of the main question. 

With the spirit of patriotism, compromise and conciliation, worthy of 
the days of yore, which now seems to be actuating our public men, how 
can there be a failine to settle this question and to save the Union? 
Unending shame would attend such a failure. With Foote and Davis, 
Clay and Bell, Cass and Douglas, Webster and Dickinson, (named not 
only as leaders in this crisis, but as representatives of the grand geograph- 
ical divisions of the country,) and their distinguished associates in both 
Houses of Congress, all united and sustained by the administration, the 
patriot's hopes revive and his heart beats once more with love and pride 
for the WHOLE of his native or adopted land. 



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